Saturday, June 27, 2009

Un General Assembly Calls for New World Economic and Financi al Order

by Mike Tolochko

United Nations General Assembly Calls for a
New Financial and Economic World Order

OUTCOME DOCUMENT Is Passed Unanimously by Consensus

NY TIMES; WASHINGTON POST; WALL STREET JOURNAL BOYCOTT

[Venezuelan Government Minister Denied Visa to Attend UN Session]

At 3:00 PM on Friday, June 26, 2009, Miguel d'Escoto, President of the United Nations General Assembly, gaveled the meeting to order. He then announced that the OUTCOME DOCUMENT, which was previously agreed to through often-fierce negotiation, had passed the General Assembly unanimously by consensus. [See June 25th Blog on Day One of UN Session for entire DOCUMENT]

A very loud applause followed.

This moment has been seen by most of the General Assembly's 192 nations as a turning point in the struggle to bring the world back from economic and financial crisis. It was previously noted by everyone that this current crisis came on the heels of the Food, Energy and Climate Changes crises. And, on more than one occasion delegates and d'Escoto called for full nuclear disarmament. Nuclear disarmament is the theme of the annual NGO meeting-taking place in Mexico City in September.

It was President d'Escoto who coined the term G192 to deal with them all. This as compared to the G8 or the G20, which is dominated by the major powers; which gave us these crises.

There was a great spirit in the main General Assembly hall and the gallery who witnessed the event.

The most important part of the DOCUMENT is Item #53. This section of the DOCUMENT clearly came from the rejection of the "CONDITIONALITIES" that the IMF, World Bank and its Regional Banks placed on their financing. And, also, the demand that any future monies will not ADD to the debt that most developing countries already have accumulated. Section 26 made it clear that previous commitments made must be honored: "Millennium Declaration, the Monterrey Consensus, the 2005 world Summit, at the G8 summit in Gleneagles, in the Doha Declaration by 2015, and the G20 London Summit." Here it as stated in the DOCUMENT:

53. In order to operationalise the lines of action agreed to in the Conference and as a bridge to on-going processes through which Member States may be informed on a timely basis of on-going work and decision-making processes, the following mechanisms might be considered:
 Establish a multi-stakeholder Panel of Experts to offer independent advice to the General Assembly and to the Economic and Social Council on issues that they shall deem relevant to each of the main areas of global economic, financial, trade, and regulatory coordination and action.The Panel shall include well-respected academic experts, as well as representatives of social movements and the private sector.
 Establish a new Global Economic Council that is part of the United Nations system which provides coordination and oversight of concerted responses in addressing the broader range of global challenges.
 Review how ECOSOC can more meaningfully implement its mandated role to make or initiate studies and reports with respect to international economic, social, cultural, educational, health and related matters and make recommendations with respect to any of such matters to the General Assembly, to the Members of the United Nations, and to the specialized agencies concerned (Article 62.1.) in order to promote consistency and coherence of and support consensus around policies on global economic issues.
 Review the agreement between the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions in collaboration with these institutions, focusing particular attention on the mechanisms for enhancing coordination and cooperation between the respective institutions, as well as the opportunities for contributing to strengthening the development mandates and effectiveness of both institutions.
 We request the President of the General Assembly to keep the Conference open and name the following seven ministerial and technical level working groups:
1. Global Stimulus for Restructuring and Survival
2. Finance for Restructuring and Survival
3. Emergency Trade Stimulation and Debt Relief
4. Global and Regional Reserve Systems
5. Regulation and Coordination of Global Economy
6. Restructuring International Institutions
7. Role of the United Nations
We further request the President of the General Assembly to program subsequent meetings with the first at the technical and ministerial level to take place in the first fortnight of September, 2009, and the last at the level of Heads of State and Government, prior to the end of the 64th General Assembly. Measures should be taken to ensure the continuity of this process through its culmination.
54. We hold these extraordinary undertakings to be appropriate and necessary for the times. And we believe that the truest measure of our success shall be told in our ability to work together to build a better world that affords to all members of our global society equal opportunities to live in conditions of far greater economic opportunity, prosperity, security, and justice.


Part #53 is the centerpiece of the G192 and the source of most of the discussion.

In the area of jobs the document placed demands on the International Labor Organization in number 51: "The International Labor Organization to elaborate a proposal to create a Global Jobs Pact based on the Decent Work Agenda. This pack would make the global response for recovery job-intensive and shape a pattern for sustainable growth, which would also include ensuring adequate access to credits for small and medium sized enterprises and for farmers, especially in developing countries."

Speaking on the New Document

President d'Escoto started calling on the assembled nations for their last comments. The first to speak was the United State of America.

The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Susan Rice, was not present; which was probably a big mistake. The person speaking clearly needs to get in sync with the method of speaking by the new Administration. After giving some comments that he listened to the previous couple of days and welcomed the comments from developing countries; he said that he would be giving the United States interpretation of the document. His tone was bellicose and condescending.

He focused on item # 53: He made it clear that the US does not agree with the Ad Hoc Expert Panel being a co-equal partner with the Breton Woods groups, i.e., the World Bank, their regional banks and IMF. He said that the governing bodies of those two groups had to be respected. And, that trade agreements must be honored.

Then he went through ten different parts of the Document giving the US interpretation of what was said. He said that the G8 $250 billion would make a real difference.

What was probably most offensive was his assertion that the UN didn't have the expertise to have an Ad Hoc Expert panel. This was clearly a direct slap at Professor Joseph Stiglitz, who heads the General Assembly's expert panel. He is a Nobel Prize winner and a former head economist for the World Bank.

The European Union was represented by the Czech Republic and also supported the IMF and World, but was clearly very respectful of the General Assembly's Document and the process that generated it. He did call for all nations to work together.

CUBA

The next nation to speak was Cuba. The speaker complemented the GA leadership for working hard to get the Document before the body. He said that document should have directly documented the failure of the Neo Liberal Model and that that Model created the crisis. He said unless real action takes place, soon, the United Nations' MDGs are in deep jeopardy. He said the human being should be at the center of the solutions. And, he emphasized that the UN needs to be at the center of the activities; not the G20 or G8. "The International financial system has to be restructured from the bottom up."

The Cuban speaker said that the discussion of "Human Security" must not be interpreted for imperial actions of strong countries interfering in weaker countries.

[3. Globalisation has facilitated the rapid international diffusion of the crisis, and it compels us to devise a coordinated, comprehensive and global response. Most countries lack the individual financial capacity to either affect the system or provide the necessary ameliorative stimulus measures. But those countries nonetheless have ideas, concerns, perspectives and a necessary historical role in shaping the institutions that would mitigate or prevent such crises in the future. Only the inclusive presence of all States and their
collective voice in the General Assembly of the United Nations can ensure the enduring legitimacy of our future international financial system and institutions. And, No. 6. This Conference represents the beginning of an ongoing and concerted engagement of the entire global community with the pillars of our financial architecture. We stand at the crossroads of growth and development; and at the threshold of a new era of global fiscal responsibility and people-centered progress. The bedrock ethics and values of our common humanity must also inform our global financial interactions, and cannot be sacrificed on the altar of reckless speculation or onerous conditionality. Our continued pursuit of profit and economic growth must be leavened by our collective responsibilities in the satisfaction of human needs, the realization of human rights and the achievement of human security.]

He said that the food, energy and climate change crises are now confronted with the economic and financial crisis.

Venezuela

Venezuela was next. He complemented the leadership of the General Assembly for his work in getting the Document in the best shape he could. He fully supported the Document's Expert Working Group/Task Force as a logical follow through.

He also said that, "imperial powers might use the working of the Human Security phrase in the Document."

He cited the two Latin American institutions: ALBA and Bank of the South as the wave of the future.

The representative from Nicaragua voice great pride in the work of President d'Escoto who is from Nicaragua. He said that the final document was a compromise text. The "Human Security" phrase also worried him.

The Canadian speaker said that the United Nations General Assembly has brought the world consensus together. Of course, he voiced support for the Breton Woods groups, but in a calm, not bellicose manner.

The Iranian representative supported the Document and that it sent a positive signal to the world. He also expressed concern with the Human Security references.

The representative from Jamaica speaking for the CARICOM nations, the Caribbean countries were very supportive of the Document. He spoke at length about the value of the Document. At the end of his statement, in praising the working of d'Escoto he read the lyrics of a famous Bob Marley song, the historical Jamaican songwriter and performer.

The Bolivarian representative emphasized the G192 aspect of the report. He expressed doubt that the Free Markets and Free Trade years can be regulated by those who were supposed to be doing that. He called for a restructuring of the Breton Woods groups.

Sudan spoke for the Group of 77 plus China. They reported for support for the DOCUMENT especially the continuation group: the Ad Hoc Committee of Experts.

Japan was the last nation to speak. They voiced support for the Document, but also for the Breton Woods groups.

President d'Escoto then called an end to this segment of the GA meeting. Declaring the DOCUMENT passed and commented on. He said that the DOCUMENT would bring: SOLIDARITY, STABILITY AND SUSTAINABILITY. He said that this was a major achievement and a good first step. Reforming the International Finance Institutions is top priority.

He emphasized the need to continue work on Climate Change.

He thanked everyone associated with the document; especially Joseph Stiglitz who headed up the EXPERT PANEL. He said we are in a battle of ideas and the Expert panel did a great job of leveling the field.

He was heartened by the political will to get this DOCUMENT THROUGH.

He reminded everyone that we don't own the world; we are its caretakers.

The General Assembly then continued making its comments.

The next speaker from Venezuela made the stunning announcement that their government's minister who was to give this discussion point was denied a visa from the United States embassy in Caracas.

The speaker spoke at length about the new directions being forged in Latin America with the ALBA and the Bank of the South. And that the SUCRE would be the common currency of the new system. The ALBA and its SUCRE were highlighted in the DOCUMENT.

He said that the IMF and World Bank are obsolete. He also ripped the Washington Consensus of the 1990s, which unleashed the developed world against the developing world.

He said that the G192 was the most legitimate, democratic way to proceed. He also cited Reuters and the financial news of people associated with nation who work at the UN in their demeaning comments on this General Assembly meeting. One said that the meeting was a "Joke" and the other called d'Escoto a REBEL priest.

US News Boycott; Internationally the Session was Fully Reported

The New York Times, Daily News, Weekend Edition of the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post ALL completely rejected any reporting on this special UN General Assembly meeting and its outcome.

On the other hand, Reuters gave full coverage, but the U.S. mainstream press did not pick them up.

China Daily and Xinhua gave full coverage.

Book Review: When Will There Be Good News: Atkinson

by Eric Green

Book Review: When Will There Be Good News
Kate Atkinson
A Novel [Mystery]
2008
Little Brown

For the growing number of Kate Atkinson fans, if they haven't already read her newest novel, "When Will There Be Good News" doesn't waste anytime doing so. It fits right into her novel/mystery world. In this one she has her main characters: Detective Chief Inspector Louse Monroe and ex-cop Jackson Brodie once again doing battle and getting the bad guys.

Her previous successes of Behind the Scenes at the Museum and Case Histories have another partner in success.

In this one Atkinson has a 16-year-old heroine, Reggie, taking us through many harrowing experiences; most of which no one would want to endure. But, for Reggie, given her own person and family history, it all made some kind of sense.

Her relationship with Dr. Joanna Hunter [Mason] and Hunter's husband Neil is complicated enough to keep your interest. And, of course, her brother makes her life a living hell.

Reggie's "mom" Mrs. McDonald has her set of complications that fit into the main disaster of the book, which Atkinson is also at the top of her form.

Weaving in the convicted molesters, Decker and Needler are a nice aspect and one, which goes through the book.

Brodie's wife, Tess Webb, the love of his life and the stability he had been looking for provides a final episode in the book.

Atkinson is truly a mystery novelist that just keeps making better and better worlds for her readings to enjoy. And, I should add, the reader learns even more about Scotland's world of Edinburgh and Glasgow

Keep 'em comin'.

Do as I say not as I do

On labor issues, bishops say one thing, do another
Jun. 26, 2009
By Rita C. Schwartz
National Catholic Reporter

On June 22, 2009, “Respecting the Just Right of Workers: Guidance and Options for Catholic Health Care and Unions” was released by a Coalition consisting of the AFL-CIO, SEIU International, Catholic Health Association and the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops.

The National association of Catholic School Teachers, a national union representing teachers in Catholic elementary and secondary schools, takes issue with the members of the Bishops’ Conference because of their negligence in the application of Catholic social teaching when their fellow bishops are involved, especially in regard to employees most directly under the bishops’ control, in particular, Catholic school teachers.

In the foreword to “Respecting the Just Rights of Workers,” Bishop William Murphy talks about the ten year dialogue exploring “how Catholic social teaching should shape the actions of unions, management and others in assuring workers a free and fair choice on questions of representation in the workplace.” What follows is a blueprint to be followed by management and labor in Catholic Health Care institutions to ensure a process that is “free, fair and respectful.”

Throughout the document, the U.S. Bishops are making clear to Catholic healthcare employers that a worker’s right to unionize is “a fundamental principle of social justice recognized by the church.”

This is the latest social justice document of the U.S. Bishops that all but sky writes DO AS WE SAY, NOT AS WE DO. Where were the bishops when Cardinal Sean O’Malley cut the archdiocesan high school system into individual units and discarded the 30 year history of union recognition and negotiated contracts, making the teachers employees at will?

Read more...

Friday, June 26, 2009

House passes historic climate legislation

by Joel Wendland

After a contentious debate, during which the main Republican position seemed to be that global warming isn't real and that freedom equals the right to pollute unhindered, the House tonight passed the American Clean Energy and Security Act (ACES).

The bill would create a cap and trade system in which polluters will buy pollution credits. The goal is to create an incentive for them to change their ways and find cleaner methods of production. In addition, the bill mandates a gradual increase of electricity production from clean resources, like wind and solar power instead of coal-fired energy plants. The ultimate goal is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions that cause global warming and limit its worst effects.

The funds raised by the cap and trade system will be in the hundreds of billions over the next ten years and will fund investments in clean energy production, and along with it millions of so-called green jobs. Put simply, if a similar bill passes in the Senate and becomes law, we are quite possibly looking at the end of the monopoly Big Oil and Big Coal have on energy production. The transition will be gradual, but it will be ongoing.

Some of the resources will be used to offset higher energy costs for working families.

Barack Obama had originally planned that some of the funds raised would also finance making his working families tax cuts permanent after 2010. It passed as part of the economic recovery act, but they expire after 2010. That tax offset hasn't shown up yet.

ACES has the support of labor and environmental coalitions like the Blue-Green Alliance and the Apollo Alliance. Some on the left in the Democratic Party opposed the bill because it didn't go far enough, and others like Rep. Dennis Kucinich, D-Ohio, wanted stronger guarantees in the bill itself for new investments in revitalizing the manufacturing sector with subsidies that will offset the impacts of the cap and trade system in ACES. A Senate bill, known as IMPACT, introduced by Sen. Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, would take those steps.

The most drama came from Republican Minority Leader John Boehner, a well-known drama queen, who filibustered with an hour-long speech after he realized his side didn't have enough votes to block it. That's what it feels like to be on the wrong side of history, I guess.

Now the fight turns to the Senate. A Democratic majority of 59 or 60 doesn't guarantee easy passage, however. Time to step up the fight.

Day Two of UN Session: Ecuador President Speaks

by MIKE TOLOCHKO

DAY TWO OF UN MEETINGS: PRESIDENT OF ECUADOR SPEAKS OUT

IMF AND WORLD BANK IN THE CENTER OF STORM

Thursday's UN sessions on the financial and economic crisis continued in a few venues. Under the guidance of President Miguel d'Escoto, the General Assembly continued the procession of nation's responding to his call.

At a special morning roundtable, "coordinated and collaborative actions and appropriate measures to mitigate the impact of the crisis on development" various speakers presented.

Martin Khor spoke from a group home based in Geneva whose mission is to focus on developing countries, South Centre. Khor is the executive Director. The full house heard a very sharp proposal that the UN play a central role in the next phase of recovery and stabilization. He endorsed the prevailing position that the crisis was not of "our" making; yet are suffering the most. He fingered, as none had before, Wall Street and the U.S., as the culprits. In another repeat, he also said that the few "green shoots" in the U.S. means nothing to the rest of the world. Secretary-General of UN Ban Ki-Moon said that earlier.

This is the fear that as improvement starts, may start, in the developed world, the G8, there won't been a need for worldwide action.

Khor said that any help given to the developing nations cannot be credit driven. We don't need to go into further debt.

He said that the G8 or G20 is not the solution; it is the UN with its 192 nations. There is a crisis in credibility that has to be overcome.

Speakers from the UN Conference on Trade and Development, Supachai Panitchpakdi; and, Economic and Social Commission for Asia and Pacific, Noeleen Heyzer, both repeated the theme that the developing nations did not create this crisis; but they are feeling it the worst.

Also, each of the speakers, as did almost every other speaker, pointed to the crises in Food, Energy and Jobs that were taking place before the general economic and financial crisis hit.

Robert Johnson, a member of the Stiglitz Expert Commission, sounded a particularly almost ridiculous tone when appealed for compassion from other countries for the crisis in the U.S., the developed countries. He cited the crisis in Michigan and its high unemployment rate. He said that he has heard such comments as "Just rewards" and similar vengeance comments at the U.S. as pleading for some compassion.

But, he did end with saying that the full UN, the G192, must be part of the solution, even though they were not part of the problem.

Needless to say, most speakers said the U.N.'s Millennium Development Goals MDGs set by the UN under Kofi Anan, were in deep jeopardy.

President Rafael Correa Delgado

In another special session held in the prestigious ECOSOC Chambers, the Economic and Social Council, the president of Ecuador, Rafael Correa spoke before a full house. The session was sponsored by "Our World is Not for Sale" Alianza Social Continental; Friends of the Earth International; Jubilee South; Social Watch; 10 Days of Action; and Anlazaqndo Alternativas.

The Title of the Session was; People's Rights Not Corporate Profits; Closing the International Centre for Settlement of Investment ?Disputes [JCSID] and Challenging free Trade Agreements on the Road to Build Just Economic and Social Governance.

The Permanent missions of Ecuador and the Plurinational State of Bolivia to the United Nations were cooperative partners in this session.

Correa's talk made it clear that Latin America, while suffering in the current crisis, is not suffering had it not gone its own road; each country and also together separate from the United States massive influence that used to take place.

Correa said that the crisis was inherent in the Capitalist system. "We are not the authors of the crisis; that is the IMF. He said that even today, after talking with Nicaraguan leader Daniel Ortega, that the IMF is still imposing instruments of backwardness with its lending."

"As far as I am concerned the IMF should go away," that got a standing ovation.

He than talked about the Bank of South that is being started by: Ecuador, Chile, Argentina, Venezuela, Bolivia, Uruguay and Paraguay. This regional bank will be free from the influences of the World Bank and the IMF.

He said gone are the days when our money will be used to invest in Florida and loose money.

He pointed to the need for a common currency; and the contradiction that his own country used the US dollar.

He pointed to ALBA [see yesterday's blog] as a real step forward. Both ALBA and the Bank of the South will give all of Latin America, Central America and Caribbean countries an alternative to the Brenton Woods groups, i.e., the World Bank and IMF.

All of these measures are to protect us from the globalization that has given us the crisis.

PEOPLE FIRST BEFORE MARKETS was his main cry and he received a standing ovation.

Venezuelan ambassador to US Alvarez calls for cooperation

Statement of Venezuelan Embassy:

Ambassador Alvarez underlines the historical importance of the expeditious restoration of ambassadors

(Press Unit of the Embassy of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the United States, June 26, 2009) On Friday at 5:00 pm, the Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to the United States, Bernardo Alvarez, arrived in the US capital. His return to the U.S. takes place immediately after the governments of President Barack Obama and President Hugo Chavez agreed yesterday via reciprocal diplomatic notes, to annul the measures taken against their respective ambassadors in Caracas and Washington in September of 2008.

Speaking from Ronald Reagan National Airport, Ambassador Alvarez told the press “that the reestablishment of ambassadors constitutes the first step in normalizing relations, recovering the political and diplomatic relations at the ambassadorial level, and reclaiming common ground in bilateral relations, such as in the area of energy cooperation.” Likewise, Alvarez pointed to “the historical importance of the decision of both presidents to choose the most expedient path towards the normalization of relations, by removing the persona non grata status placed on the ambassadors.”

This is an unusual measure in U.S. diplomacy.

In the exchange with the press, the newly reinstated ambassador also emphasized unresolved issues that require prompt attention, such as the extradition case of Luis Posada Carriles. Diplomatic relations between Venezuela and the United States deteriorated notably during the Bush administration. Since the election of President Barack Obama, both governments have expressed the desire to normalize relations.
This measure has received the support of many important sectors and people in both countries.

Sebelius reiterates Obama's support for public option

Sebelius reiterates Obama's support for public option
by Joel Wendland
People's Weekly World Newspaper
06/26/09 15:34

Pressing hard on the urgency of needed health reform, Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius released a set of new state-by-state reports this week documenting the nation's broken health system.

The new reports reveal that it doesn't matter which state or region, "the health care crisis impacts all of America," Sebelius told reporters on a conference call June 26. In her responses to questions, she reiterated President Obama's support for a public option as part of the needed reforms.

The reports, produced by HHS's Agency for Health Research and Quality, showed a dire picture of far too many people without coverage and far too many with insurance who have only inadequate access to care. "Skyrocketing health care costs are hurting families, forcing businesses to cut or drop health benefits, and straining state budgets," the reports point out. "Millions are paying more for less."

Read more ....

Working families rally in D.C. for health reform

Remarks as Delivered by AFL-CIO Executive Vice President Arlene Holt Baker National Health Care Reform Rally Washington, DC
June 25, 2009


My name is Arlene Holt Baker. I'm Executive Vice President of the AFL-CIO and I'm speaking today on behalf of 11 million workers who are members of AFL-CIO unions.

When Congress finishes its work on national health care reform, voters will be asking one question of their elected officials: "Does this mean I will be able to get high quality health care for myself and my family at a price we can afford?" The answer, my sisters and brothers, had better be "yes."

Health care just for the wealthy will not do. Health care without strong cost controls will not work. And health care without a quality public plan option to lower costs is totally unacceptable.

As trade unionists, we know what out-of-control health care prices are doing to our contracts and our family budgets — we've been fighting the fight for affordability for many, many years.

In our brand new 2009 Health Care for America Survey of more than 23,000 people, more than half said they cannot get the health care they need at prices they can afford. A third of them have to forego basic medical care because it costs too much. Forty-three percent of those who have health insurance still can't get the care they need at prices they can pay.

Accessibility for all, high quality care and affordability are the building blocks of a new health care system for America. Nothing works without all three and affordability is the key. We demand no less, we will tolerate no less, we will accept no less.

Thank you for being here and for all that you will do in the days ahead.

Catholic Bishops Stand Up for Workers Rights

Bishops’ labor document seen as breakthrough
Jun. 24, 2009
By Jerry Filteau
The National Catholic Reporter
WASHINGTON

A new U.S. bishops’ document aimed at improving long-troubled labor relations in Catholic health care “is an enormous breakthrough,” said Manhattan College religious studies professor Joseph J. Fahey, chairman of Catholic Scholars for Worker Justice.

“This is a milestone event,” said union leader Gerald M. Shea, assistant for government affairs to AFL-CIO president John Sweeney.

“It’s just stunning,” said John Carr, secretary for justice, peace and human development at the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops. “I mean, you have the highest levels of the labor movement and the Catholic Church reaching an agreement when nobody else can, and it’s a wonderful process.”

The 16-page document, released June 22 by the USCCB Committee on Domestic Justice and Human Development, is titled “Respecting the Just Rights of Workers: Guidance and Options for Catholic Health Care and Unions.” It is available on the Web [1].

The result of two years of dialogue by a team of bishops, national labor leaders and top representatives of Catholic health care, it offers a constructive alternative to what retired Cardinal Theodore E. McCarrick of Washington called the “antagonistic, confrontational and resisting tactics which too often come in” when workers in Catholic hospitals seek union representation. Cardinal McCarrick chaired the dialogue.

“The heart of this unusual consensus,” he said, “is that it is up to workers -- not bishops, hospital managers or union leaders -- to decide ‘through a fair process’ whether or not to be represented by a union and, if so, which union, in the workplace.”

Read more...

US State Dept. statement on ambassadors issue with Venezuela

Statement of Ian Kelly (State spokesperson), June 25th:

Through an exchange of diplomatic notes, the United States and Venezuela have agreed to rescind the declarations of persona non grata issued in September 2008 and return U.S. Ambassador Patrick D. Duddy and Venezuelan Ambassador Bernardo Álvarez to their respective posts in Caracas and Washington.

An experienced career diplomat, Ambassador Duddy enjoys the full confidence of President Obama and Secretary Clinton. With his return, full diplomatic representation will resume. This important step will help advance U.S. interests by improving bilateral communication and enhancing our outreach to the Venezuelan people.

Thursday, June 25, 2009

UN General Assembly President d'Escoto's Outcome Document Opens Three Day Session

by Mike Tolochko

The UN Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on Development

General Assembly President Miguel d'Escoto Rallies G-192 To Fight Against Global Corporate Greed

Outcome Document Ready for Action

Starting back in 2008 with the establishment of a Joseph Stiglitz Expert Commission and a major General Assembly session and working day to day for the next 8 months, President Miguel d'Escoto opened the official Annual General Assembly session, today.

It wasn't without a four-week postponement, which appeared to stem from the time it took to come up with Draft Outcome Document that the assembled nation delegates would be considering. [See below for full document.]

What was supposed to be the final draft was unacceptable and had to be revised. The paragraph that is reported to be unacceptable is: "Much of the modern rise in prosperity and worldwide growth is attributable to the successes of globalization and free trade. The global recovery from this financial and economic crisis, and our future global resilience, require a speedy conclusion of the WTO DOHA Round and provision of much need trade finance."

A NY Times story about the postponement attacked d'Escoto for being a factious president ["At UN a Sandinistas Plan for Recovery," NY times May 25, 2009]. But, that attack from the Times clearly fell on its face. The excitement of the opening session was clear.

General Secretary Ban Ki-Moon opened the session. He declared the opening of the 63rd session of the UN General Assembly and asked for acclamation that Miguel d'Escoto be voted as the President of the session. It was done.

Speaking in Spanish, d'Escoto delivered a powerful speech that sent a clear message to the world that the United Nations must be a major player, if not the central player in solving the world financial crisis.

His remarks were replete with comments that made it clear that he is speaking for the base of the UN not its top sections. "This is a unique moment of human history." "Our futures are at stake." "We are citizens of our individual nations, but also citizens of the world."

He said we must avoid a human crisis. "We have to seek inclusive solutions."

And, that there is no better place to gain the global democratic inclusiveness than in the General Assembly with the G-192; which is all the nations in the GA.

d'Escoto said that we "cannot build a Noah's ark around the developed nations, leaving out the developing nations."

He repeated a theme that "we are not responsible for this crisis." It came from an "Irresponsible Powerful Minority." They represent a selfish way of life that only produces and consumes. They represent a perverse world of social injustice.

He said we have to reverse this world tide or will become like dinosaurs.

A New Paradigm

The president said we have developed a new, sustainable way of life of social coexistence. We have to development a new way of looking at the world.

Given his religious background, he is a priest, d'Escoto often made references to "Mother Earth" and the need to respect her.

"The earth can live without use; but we cannot live without the earth." he was making reference to the food, energy and climate change crises that have happening the last years.

But, as the same time, he attacked the neo liberal demands of privatization of public services. He called for a new international covenant on water. Water must be accessible for everyone. He said that same about forests.

He said that those who build machineries of death must be stopped. "Abolish nuclear weapons completely, not just reduction." "Zero tolerance."

He gave 5 pillars to guide practice:

  • Sustainable use of scarce natural resources;
  • Give the Economy its rightful place; but must be respectful of values; it is not a value itself;
  • Spreading democracy in all social relations; political sphere and also into the economy, culture and everywhere;
  • Baseline ethics; multicultural exchanges;
  • Spiritual vision of the world.

Four ethical standards:

  • Overall respect;
  • A caring world;
  • Universal responsibility
  • Cooperation

d'Escoto made it clear that the solutions for the crisis must not just benefit the minority; it must benefit the majority of nations.

He then quoted Pope Benedict XVI that we must have a new time of world solidarity and wisdom. Every human being is important.

Ban Ki-Moon then rejoined the discussion stating that this is the worst crisis in the history of the UN and the "shoots of recovery are negligible when compared to the millions being pushed into poverty. One billion go to bed hungry. "We need International Solidarity; We need the U.N."

He made reference to the G8 and the G20, but he said the UN represents everyone; all humanity.

Following d'Escoto and Ban Ki-Moon nation delegates were called on to speak.

Representatives from Honduras; Gambia; Zimbabwe; Belize [speaking for the CARICOM nations, i.e., the Caribbean countries} and others. A recurring them was the Solidarity comes before the Market.

During the lunch break, a "Side event" was held by the UN Institute for Training and Research: "Migration and the World Crisis." At this session H.E. Mr. Cheick Sidi Diarra from the UN section on the least developed countries spoke about the economic crisis that is creating migrating workers around the world.

H.E. Ms Maria Fernandez Espinosa, the permanent representative from Ecuador to the UN spoke of the 3 million Ecuadorians in the U.S., with one million in the New York region alone. She cited the new Ecuadorian constitution, which gives extended rights to everyone living in that nation.

Professor Bimal Ghosh, Columbian School and Fellow at the Bogotá University hit a very somber note. He made it clear that the crisis has not reached it bottom point and migrating workers will become more prevalent.

Stephano Manservisi of the European Commission cited the recent anti-migrant workers EU elections that something must be done quickly. Fernandez had said earlier that 3 Ecuadorian workers were murdered in NYC.

The General Assembly continued it nation reports in the afternoon, but a major roundtable was held in regard to the Expert Panel headed by Joseph Stiglitz. Each panelist was given 10m minutes so that the audience could comment and ask questions

Stiglitz is Chairman of the Commission of Experts of the President of the General Assembly on reforms of the International Monetary and Financial systems. He reported on the Commission findings, which are reflected in the Outcome Document. [SEE BELOW FOR FULL DOCUMENT] It is highly critical of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.

The Fund was represented by Mr. Muilo Portugal and the Bank by Ms. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. They attempted to defend their actions and tried to show each was being flexible and adapting to the crisis.

Mr. Yu UYongding, former Director of the Institute of world Economics and Politics, Chinese Academy of Social Scientists and former Member of the Monetary Policy Commission, People's Bank of China associated himself with the Stiglitz Report. He served on the Expert Commission.

In the give and take that following the Expert Panel most nations sided with the need for strong action.

CUBA AND VENEZUELA

Both the Cuban and Venezuelan representatives attacked the neo-liberal policies that created the crisis. They said the G20 nations have done nothing to deal with the crisis. They said its anti-democratic nature makes it impossible to solve the crisis. They called upon the General Assembly to lead the process.

The Venezuelan representative was even more explicit. They said that they have not felt the crisis because the Venezuelan government withdrew its money from U.S. banks. He pointed to ALBA as an alternative financial method to the IMF and World Bank.

He said that among the members of ALBA is Ecuador, Honduras, Cuba, Nicaragua, Bolivia; St. Vincent and the Grenadines and of course Venezuela. They see it as an alternative to the capitalist system. [SEE BELOW FOR ALBA DESCRIPTION]

[ Description of ALBA: The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para las Américas), as its Spanish initials indicate, is a proposed alternative to the U.S.-sponsored Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA, ALCA in its Spanish initials), differing from the latter in that it advocates a socially-oriented trade block rather than one strictly based on the logic of deregulated profit maximization. ALBA appeals to the egalitarian principles of justice and equality that are innate in human beings, the well-being of the most dispossessed sectors of society, and a reinvigorated sense of solidarity toward the underdeveloped countries of the western hemisphere, so that with the required assistance, they can enter into trade negotiations on more favorable terms than has been the case under the dictates of developed countries.

By employing more effective mechanisms to eradicate poverty, ALBA—as proposed by the Venezuelan government—provides a counterweight to the policies and goals of the FTAA. This alternative model also identifies the most crucial impediments to achieve a genuine regional integration that transcends the prerogatives of the transnational corporations. One of the obstacles to confront is the deep disparity that exists in development between the countries of the hemisphere, whereby poor countries such as Haiti or Bolivia are compelled to compete with the world's leading economic power. In order to help overcome trade disadvantages, ALBA pushes for solidarity with the economically weakest countries, with the aim of achieving a free trade area in which all of its members benefit (a win-win alliance)….from web site.]

THE CONFERENCE CONTINUED TO THURSDAY…..

18-05-2009
Outcome of United Nations Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis
and its Impact on Development

We, the Heads of State and Government and High Representatives of Member States, met in New York from 1-3 June 2009 for the United Nations Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and its Impact on Development.

1. The governments and peoples of the 192 Member States of the United Nations are collectively mired in the midst of the most severe financial and economic crisis since the establishment of the modern international financial architecture. It has become necessary to view this moment of crisis through the prism of 65 years of history, and to apply the lessons learned from the successes and failures of our manifold socioeconomic
endeavours. Our globalised economic order has evolved to contain elements that are under -regulated, unsupervised and unequal; and it has proven to be unstable and unsuited for the demands of the 21st Century.
2. As the fickle tides of financial optimism have ebbed, they have revealed the unfortunate shoals of poverty, suffering and wretchedness. Both within and between countries, the amassing of wealth has been accompanied by the accumulation of misery. The organisations and institutions whose actions precipitated this crisis did not
seek such a collapse, but their unintended human consequences are palpable and undeniable. Unfortunately, international financial institutions were unable to give warning, prevent or fashion an adequate response.
3. Globalisation has facilitated the rapid international diffusion of the crisis, and it compels us to devise a coordinated, comprehensive and global response. Most countries lack the individual financial capacity to either affect the system or provide the necessary ameliorative stimulus measures. But those countries nonetheless have ideas, concerns, perspectives and a necessary historical role in shaping the institutions that would mitigate or prevent such crises in the future. Only the inclusive presence of all States and their
collective voice in the General Assembly of the United Nations can ensure the enduring legitimacy of our future international financial system and institutions.
4. Developing countries are now bearing the brunt of this crisis, for which they are least responsible. The ongoing food and fuel crises have only compounded the effect of the financial and economic collapse, and exacerbated the burdens and sorrows of the developing world. Nonetheless, the destiny of developed and developing countries in an interdependent world and a globalised economy is inextricably linked. Therefore,
short-term stabilization measures must protect the poor, and long-term measures must ensure sustainable financial flows while simultaneously reducing the likelihood of future crises.
5. Peace, stability and prosperity are indivisible. Today, all nations are far more closely interconnected than ever before as active participants in the modern globalised financial and economic system. We believe that this critical moment calls for prompt, decisive and coordinated action to address the causes of the crisis; mitigate its global impact; and establish mechanisms to prevent similar crises in the future. Today, we have set forth
our global consensus on the responses to this crisis; prioritized the required lines of action; and defined a clear role for the United Nations in the implementation of our coordinated approach.
6. This Conference represents the beginning of an ongoing and concerted engagement of the ent ire global community with the pillars of our financial architecture. We stand at the crossroads of growth and development; and at the threshold of a new era of global fiscal responsibility and people-centred progress. The bedrock ethics and values of our common humanity must also inform our global financial interactions, and cannot be sacrificed on the altar of reckless speculation or onerous conditionality. Our continued pursuit of
profit and economic growth must be leavened by our collective responsibilit ies in the satisfaction of human needs, the realization of human rights and the achievement of human security. Present State of World Economy
7. This crisis follows in the footsteps of the food and energy crises and of the challenges posed by the impact of climate change. The global economic downturn is much deeper than expected, and the recovery will be gradual and uncertain. The United Nations estimates that the World Gross Product (WGP) will fall by 2.6 per
cent in 2009; the first decline since the Second World War. It is rapidly turning into a human and development calamity. Hundreds of millions of people all over the world are losing their jobs, their income their savings, their homes, and their ability to survive. More than 50 million people have al ready been driven into extreme poverty, particularly women and children. The number of chronically malnourished is expected to rise to over
one billion.

Impacts of the Crisis
8. The effects of the crisis are extremely disturbing and are likely to worsen. The crisis has produced or exacerbated severe, wide ranging and disparate impacts across the globe. The negative impacts, which vary by region and level of development, include the following:
 Rapid increases in unemployment, poverty and hunger
 Deceleration of growth, or severe economic contraction
 Negative effects on trade balances, balance of payments and foreign reserves
 Dwindling levels of Foreign Direct Investment
 Large and volatile movements in exchange rates
 Growing budget deficits and falling tax revenues
 Drastic reduction of world trade
 Sharp contraction in exports
 Falling prices for primary commodities
 Declining remittances to developing countries
 Sharply reduced revenues from tourism
 Massive withdrawal of private capital flows, also increasing the funding problem of the private sector in emerging and developing countries
 Drastically reduced access to credit, and trade financing
 Reduced public confidence in financial institutions
9. However, the greatest impacts may be difficult to quantify. At its heart the present crisis is a crisis of human security. The impacts of the crisis include the loss of self-esteem and self-worth, the evaporation of hope in a better future, despair, and fear for what the day of tomorrow may bring. We are deeply concerned wit h its severe adverse impact on development. This crisis put a disproportionate burden on women. Women also face greater income insecurity and increased burdens of family care. The crisis has exacerbated the challenges and impediments to the attainment of our internationally agreed development goals, including the Millennium Development Goals. It risks becoming a social and human crisis – with implications for political stability and
peace.

Causes of the Crisis

10. The drivers of the financial and economic crisis are complex. We recognise that the root causes include structural crises in the fields of environment, energy, food, and water. They also include systemic factors such as the concentration of income and wealth as well as excessive market cycle volatility. These factors were made acute by global imbalances and major failures in financial regulation, supervision, and monitoring of the
financial sector. These regulatory failures, compounded by an overall lack of transparency and financial integrity, have led to excessive risk-taking, unsustainably high asset prices, irresponsible leveraging, and high levels of consumption fuelled by easy credit and inflated asset prices. Financial regulators, policymakers and institutions, which were preoccupied with the formal banking sector, failed to appreciate the risks in the
shadow financial system or address the extent of the growing economic vulnerabilities and their cross -border linkages. Other weaknesses of a systemic nature also contribute to the crisis. The overreliance on market self- regulation, the pursuit of unsustainable profit, and insufficient emphasis on ethical and equitable human development have resulted in severe deficiencies in our global financial and economic architecture, and significant inequalities among countries and peoples. The unfolding crisis has shown the need for better and more government involvement in the economy ensuring a new balance between the market and public interest.

Response to the Crisis

11. We are all in this crisis together. We will therefore work in solidarity on a vigorous, coordinated and comprehensive global response to the crisis in accordance with our abilities. Much of the responsibility for restoring global growth lies with the developed countries. An immediate priority is to stabilize the financial markets and restore confidence in them and counter falling demand and the recession. Major actions have already been taken in this context by developed countries. However, emerging and developing countries have a key role to play as well in improving the growth outlook,
maintaining macro-economic stability, and strengthening the international financial system. At the same time, strong and urgent actions are needed to counter the impact of the crisis on poor countries and help them restore strong growth and recover lost ground in their progress towards our internationally agreed development goals, including the Millennium Development Goals. Therefore, a much larger share of the additional resources—both short-term liquidity and long-term development financing—will need to be made available to developing countries, especially the low- income countries. Although this crisis continues to have a devastating impact on the peoples of the
world, we believe that it represents a rare opportunity for meaningful change. Going forward, our response must focus on creating jobs, increasing prosperity, equalizing imbalances, developing sustainably, and having a strong gender perspective. It must also lay the foundation for a fair, inclusive and sustainable globalization supported by renewed multilateralism. We are confident that we will emerge from this crisis stronger and more vigorous and more united.

12. We reaffirm the purposes of the United Nations, as set forth in its Charter "to achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character," and "to be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends." We seek to strengthen this Charter imperative in the light of the current crisis. This United Nations Conference is part of our collective effort towards recovery. It builds on and contributes to what already is being undertaken by other actors and in other fora and is intended to give political guidance and direction to future meetings, action and measures undertaken by the world community.

The Need for Prompt and Decisive Action

13. We recognize that our collective response to this crisis represents a transformative moment in international cooperation, coordination, and reform.
14. We undertake to do all that is necessary to:
 restore confidence, growth, and jobs;
 protect the poor and vulnerable;
 provide additional support to safeguard hard-won economic and development gains;
 rebuild trust in the financial sector and restore lending;
 promote global trade and investment and reject protectionism, and
 foster an inclusive, green, and sustainable recovery
 reform the world financial and economic system and architecture.

Lines of Action

Make the stimulus work for all.
15. In attempting to combat the immediate impacts of the crisis many States, groups and institutions have already initiated a number of coordinated and effective responses. We welcome those efforts, and seek to encourage greater cooperation and coordination among countries' fiscal and economic actions.
16. Developing countries in a position to do so should utilize the room for fiscal stimulus that they posses. The response of individual countries should be tailored to their specific circumstances. Countries should also use available scope for domestic resource mobilization.
17. Support for development is an essential and integral part of the solution to the global crisis, inter alia through actions aimed at supporting sustained economic growth, poverty eradication and sustainable development. National stimulus packages should have a strong international dimension and take into account the impacts on
third countries, particularly on developing countries.
18. The majority of the world's developing countries lack the fiscal space to initiate the countercyclical measures that may be necessary to combat the effects of the crisis and spur recovery. A much larger share of the additional resources—both short-term liquidity and long-term development financing—will need to be made available to developing countries, especially the low-income countries. We therefore support the examination
of modalities to ensure the global implementation of various stimulus measures, which would contribute to developing countries' budget and trade financing, priority investments in infrastructure, agriculture and green technology, and critical human security needs.
19. We recognise the commitments made at the G20 London Summit to make available an additional $1.1 trillion program ($850 billion through the International Financial Institutions, and $250 billion for trade finance) of support to help the world economy through the crisis and to restore credit, growth and jobs. The fulfilment of these commitments should be properly monitored. We call upon the G20 countries to follow through on these commitments. However, only a limited amount (less than $20 billion) was targeted to the poorest countries. We therefore stress the importance that the financing needs of the poorest countries are adequately dealt with.
20. Developing countries need access to new funding, including credit and liquidity facilities, infrastructure investment, and support for domestic financial systems, for social response and for corporate borrowing. We support to the urgent establishment of new credit facilities as necessary for intermediation between surplus countries and those that most need financing for the disbursement of the additional funding required to address
the impact of the current crisis and to allow for appropriate countercyclical policy measures. These facilities should have democratic governance structures that allow both the surplus countries and the recipients' equal participation in their governance structures. They should also operate without unwarranted conditionalities so as to allow the necessary policy space. The funds could be administered through new structures, through IFI structures but with a separate governance structure (along the lines of the Global Environmental Facility), UN agency trust funds or directly through IFIs.
21. Countries must be afforded the necessary policy space to enact the types of tailored and targeted responses to the crisis that have been established in developed States. We call for a reformed lending paradigm and the prompt end to unwarranted conditionalities, which curtail the individualized options available to developing countries and needlessly exacerbate the financial, economic and developmental challenges faced by these
countries. In this context we note the recent improvement of the IMF's lending framework, through modernizing conditionality, as a welcome step. However, many new and ongoing programmes still contain unwarranted pro-cyclical conditionalities. The Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs), in close coordination with the IMF, must move forward on flexible, fast disbursing, and front -loaded instruments designed to
substantially and quickly assist developing countries facing financing gaps in the context of the current crisis.
22. Within the context of national responses to the crisis we recognize the continued importance for good governance along with national ownership of development strategies. We call on all Member States toaccelerate our collective recovery from the crisis through improved transparency, reduced corruption and strengthened good governance.
23. The crisis has resulted in disparate impacts across regions and sub-regions. These heterogeneous impacts have added complexity to our common goal of reducing poverty and inequality, while providing for critical human security needs. Given the sensitivity of regional and sub-regional institutions to the specific needs of their constituencies, the need of stable sources of funding, and the greater equitable representation of developing
countries within these bodies, we encourage for enhanced regional and sub-regional efforts including through regional development banks, regional commercial and reserve currency arrangements, and regional integration initiatives, as part of a global coordinated efficient response to deal with the current crisis. Contain the effects of the crisis and improve future global resilience.
24. This crisis does not occur solely at the level of the financial sectors or structural imbalances. We recognize the various human and social dimensions to the crisis, and our responsibility to address the human security challenges that it has created and xacerbated. Short term measures should be complementary to long term goals, especially those related to environmental protection, food security, clean energy, health and education.
We commit to the strengthening of existing social safety nets, protection of social expenditures, and advancement of people-centred development. We reaffirm our commitment to timely achievement of our internationally agreed development goals, in particular the Millennium Development Goals.
25. We call for additional resources for social protection, food security and human development to be made available through voluntary bilateral contributions to the World Bank's Vulnerability Financing Framework and similar initiatives. We support the development of a joint UN system-World Bank mechanism for a common articulation and implementation of the Vulnerability Financing Framework.
26. Globalization and free trade have been important drivers, among other factors, for economic growth and prosperity, and the global recovery from this financial and economic crisis, and our future global resilience, require a speedy conclusion of the WTO Doha Round and provision of much needed trade finance. The crisis has also emphasized the importance of achieving the true development outcome of the Doha Round. We
therefore reiterate our commitment to an early conclusion to the Doha Round that places the needs of the developing countries at the centre, to implement duty-free and quota free-access to least developed countries, to the principle of special and differential treatment for developing countries, to the elimination of agricultural export subsidies, as agreed in the Hong Kong Ministerial Declaration, and other trade distorting agricultural
subsidies, and to meeting our existing aid for trade pledges. We agree to explore the possibility to bring forward the implementation of already agreed measures to support the most vulnerable developing countries. We undertake to resist protectionist tendencies and rectify any protectionist measures already taken. In this context, we reiterate the importance of monitoring and reporting on new barriers to trade and investments. We
should also resist unfair treatment of migrant labourers and the imposition of undue restrictions on labour migration.
27. The global crisis cannot be an excuse to avoid existing aid commitments. There is an urgent and unavoidable need for donors to fulfil their existing bilateral and multilateral ODA commitments. Developed countries must meet the commitments made in the Millennium Declaration, the Monterrey Consensus, the 2005 World Summit, at the G8 summit in Gleneagles, in the Doha Declaration by 2015, and at the G20 London Summit.
Aid effectiveness, as well as speed of delivery, flexibility of response and predictability of aid, is also crucial. We reiterate the importance for donors to work on national timetables, by the end of 2010, to increase aid levels within their respective budget allocation processes toward achieving the established ODA targets. Bilateral donors should review, and if appropriate redirect, their development assistance to assist developing countries to mitigate and more effectively respond to the crisis.
28. Our global problems require new and innovative forms of financing. We encourage the scaling up of existing and the establishment of new innovative sources of financing initiatives to provide other stable sources of development finance. Through these mechanisms part of the much needed resources could be generated for the provision of global public goods and for climate change financing. We repeat our request to the Secretary General to produce a progress report by the 64th session of the General Assembly, taking into account all existing initiatives.
29. The deepening crisis threatens to negatively affect the indebtedness of developing States. This growing indebtedness limits the ability of these States to enact the appropriate fiscal measures to mitigate the impact ofthe crisis or engage in development financing. We affirm that the appropriate measures must be taken to minimize the impact of the crisis on the indebtedness of developing states and to avoid a new debt crisis. In
that regard, we support increased flexibility of the Debt Sustainability Framework and in eligibility for debt relief; the provision of increased funds for debt rollover; innovative debt swap criteria; increased concessionalities, and call on states to accelerate previous commitments regarding debt relief.
30. The crisis has illustrated the extreme vulnerability of small, indebted, middle-income countries, whose size, fragile economies and open markets have made them highly susceptible to external financial shocks. We therefore call for expansion of concessionary financing to small, indebted, middle-income countries to mitigate
the significant sustainable development challenges that have been exacerbated by the ongoing crisis. The access to this financing must be based on factors beyond GDP, which is, by itself, a poor indicator of economic sustainability.
31. The crisis cannot be an excuse to avoid or delay the necessary global response to climate change and environmental degradation. We acknowledge that the response to the crisis presents an opportunity to establish the basis of a new and modern green economy. In this context we support the UNEP-led Green Economy Initiative and the related discussions on a Global Green New Deal which should ensure that the stimulus is
used to initiate investments for sustainable long term growth, creation of decent jobs, and poverty reduction.
32. We recognize the important role to be played by increased SDR allocations in increasing global liquidity, and the potential for expanded SDRs to contribute to global stability, equity and economic strength. We commit to undertake further examination of the role of enhanced SDRs in the expansion of liquidity, stabilization of the reserve system, and the promotion of development. We strongly support and call for early implementation of a new general SDR allocation of at least $250 billion. We also call for the urgent ratification of the Fourth Amendment of the Articles of Agreement of the IMF for a special one-time allocation of SDRs, as approved by the IMF's Board of Governors in September 1997.
33. There are calls for a reform of the global reserve system to overcome the insufficiencies of the current system. We recommend to study the feasibility of a reserve system with a more prominent and effective role of the
SDR. The global reserve system could be complemented by a stronger role for regional commercial and reserve arrangements, including among developing countries such as the ASEAN+3 $125 billion facil ity, and the ALBA SUCRE arrangement.
Improved regulation and monitoring.
34. The current crisis has revealed numerous deficiencies in the international financial regulatory framework. We accept the critical need for more effective regulation of all economic actors, including financial institutions, credit rating agencies, audit firms, and the principals in the shadow financial system. The need for tighter and more coordinated regulation of incentives, derivatives and the trading of standardised contracts is also
apparent. We reject the imposition of needlessly onerous regulatory requirements, but call for credible and enforceable regulations to ensure the necessary global transparency and oversight at all levels of the financial system.
35. The crisis has illustrated the need to evenly employ effective measures against non-complying tax jurisdictions and financial centres that fail to meet basic standards of transparency and regulation. We recognize the strong need for truly multilateral and inclusive cooperation on international tax matters within the United Nations
system. Cooperative frameworks should ensure the involvement of both the major onshore jurisdictions and small offshore jurisdictions, whose economies, development and growth are heavily dependent on financial services. Developing countries should be able to secure the benefits of a new cooperative tax environment. We call for consistent and non-discriminatory application of transparency requirements and international standards for exchange of information.
36. Illicit financial flows out of developing countries are estimated to amount to several times global ODA and have a harmful effect on development. Measures to enhance regulation of and transparency in the shadow and regular financial system must therefore include steps to curb illicit financial flows.
37. The current crisis has been compounded by an initial failure to appreciate the full scope of the risks involved and their potential to destabilize the international financial architecture and the global economy. We recognizethe need for more even handed and effective surveillance of systemically important countries, international
capital flows, and financial markets.
38. The ongoing crisis has highlighted the extent to which our economies are integrated, the indivisibility of our collective prosperity, and the unsustainability of the narrow focus on profit. We need a new global consensus on the key values and principles that will promote sustainable economic activity. We believe that corporate social responsibility is a critical component of this consensus and of equitable globalization. Reform international financial and economic governance.
39. This crisis has highlighted the urgent need for our International Financial Institutions to be reformed and modernized to better enable them to respond to the current financial and economic emergencies and to the needs of Member States, and to better equip them to strengthen existing monitoring and surveillance roles to prevent the occurrence of similar crises in the future.
40. International Financial Institutions must have a clear development orientation and must be responsive to needs and circumstances of their clients. Accordingly, we call for improved integration of global public goods within the development mandate of the International Financial Institutions.
41. We stress the urgent need for ambitious and expeditious reform of the governance structures of Bretton Woods Institutions and make them more representative and legitimate, in order to enhance the perspective, voice and participation of developing countries, and to more properly reflect current realities.
42. We call for a swift completion of the ongoing reform process of the World Bank's governance structure and of an accelerated road map for further voice and representation reforms in its governance, to be completed no later than April 2010, based on an approach that reflects its development mandate and with the involvement of all shareholders in a transparent, consultative and inclusive process.
43. We recognize that it is imperative for the reform of the IMF, in particular, to be prioritized and fast -tracked, given the critical role to be played by the IMF during the crisis and beyond. We endorse the roadmap to implement the package of IMF quota and voice reforms agreed in April 2008 and call for its prompt ratification and strongly support a substantial increase and realignment of quotas in the IMF to be completed
no later than January 2011, thus enhancing the legitimacy and effectiveness of the organization.
44. We agree that the heads and senior leadership of the International Financial Institutions must be appointed through open, transparent, and merit-based selection processes, and without regard to nationality.
45. We view the unique perspectives and representativeness of the United Nations as critical to lending legitimacy to the reform and functioning of our International Financial Institutions. Accordingly, we call for mechanisms to ensure increased cooperation and exchanges between the United Nations and International Financial Institutions.

The Way Forward

46. We, the Heads of State and Government and High Representatives of Member States, have decided to provide opportunity for and call on all Member States to contribute in the fashioning of the global response to this
crisis, including in the processes of reforming the United Nations and the world economic, financial, and trading system.
47. We recognize that the ongoing work of established forums and mechani sms for resource mobilization, surveillance and regulation, coordination of policy action, and development including rules for international trade must continue to function and be improved upon according to their respective mandates and procedures.
48. To achieve a practical balance between short term needs for effective action, and equally compelling requirements for the review of the framework of our global economic system, we propose the following course of action:
49. We request the Secretary-General of the United Nations to:
 Develop a proposal to establish a unified and responsive United Nations Vulnerability Monitoring and Response Mechanism, that will draw information systematically from throughout the UN system, including its relevant funds, programs and agencies, the Regional Commissions, and the specialized agencies, to track the full impact of the crisis and to promote effective, timely coordination of multilateral responses. We request the Secretary-General's to report on the establishment of the mechanism no later than July 1, 2009. We also request the Secretary- General to report quarterly on the findings, actions, and recommendations to the General Assembly and ECOSOC.
 Develop urgently a joint and comprehensive strategy setting out the response of the system in its multiple dimensions, globally, regionally and nationally. We support the recent agreement of the UN System Chief Executives Board for Coordination (CEB) on nine joint initiatives, and call for their swift development and implementation.
 Monitor, in consultation with relevant stakeholders, and report on compliance with announced international commitments for additional assistance, institutional and policy reform; and to identify possible new barriers to trade and investment as well as key impediments to policy action, and to make recommendations for more timely and effective response.
 Continue to provide support for the Secretary General's High-Level Task Force on the Global Food Security Crisis, to assess the impact of evolving conditions, and report to the General Assembly as necessary.
 Prepare, in consultation with relevant stakeholders, a draft Charter for Sustainable Economic Activity no later than 15 April 2010.
 Establish an interagency taskforce to provide technical and pol icy advisory services to countries on designing and implementing green economic programmes.
50. We request the United Nations Funds and Programs and Specialized Agencies to review, and if appropriate redirect, their assistance to developing countries to mitigate and more effectively respond to the crisis and to report to the July meeting of ECOSOC.
51. The International Labour Organization to elaborate a proposal to create a Global Jobs Pact based on the Decent Work Agenda. This pact would make the global response for recovery job-intensive and shape a pattern for sustainable growth, which would also include ensuring adequate access to credits for small and medium-sized enterprises and for farmers, especially in developing countries.
52. We request the Economic and Social Council to:
 Make recommendations to the General Assembly, in accordance with the Doha Declaration of 2 December 2008, for strengthening of the Financing for Development process, and for consolidating that process with the related initiatives outlined herein, no later than 1 September 2009.
 Analyze and make recommendations for strengthening the Committee of Experts on International Cooperation on Tax Matters, to better contribute to the functioning of a stable international economy.
53. In order to operationalise the lines of action agreed to in the Conference and as a bridge to on-going processes through which Member States may be informed on a timely basis of on-going work and decision-making processes, the following mechanisms might be considered:
 Establish a multi-stakeholder Panel of Experts to offer independent advice to the General Assembly and to the Economic and Social Council on issues that they shall deem relevant to each of the main areas of global economic, financial, trade, and regulatory coordination and action.The Panel shall include well-respected academic experts, as well as representatives of social movements and the private sector.
 Establish a new Global Economic Council that is part of the United Nations system which provides coordination and oversight of concerted responses in addressing the broader range of global challenges.
 Review how ECOSOC can more meaningfully implement its mandated role to make or initiate studies and reports with respect to international economic, social, cultural, educational, health and related matters and make recommendations with respect to any of such matters to the General Assembly, to the Members of the United Nations, and to the specialized agencies concerned (Article 62.1.) in order to promote consistency and coherence of and support consensus around policies on global economic issues.
 Review the agreement between the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions in collaboration with these institutions, focusing particular attent ion on the mechanisms for enhancing coordination and cooperation between the respective institutions, as well as the opportunities for contributing to strengthening the development mandates and effectiveness of both institutions.
 We request the President of the General Assembly to keep the Conference open and name the following seven ministerial and technical level working groups:
1. Global Stimulus for Restructuring and Survival
2. Finance for Restructuring and Survival
3. Emergency Trade Stimulation and Debt Relief
4. Global and Regional Reserve Systems
5. Regulation and Coordination of Global Economy
6. Restructuring International Institutions
7. Role of the United Nations
We further request the President of the General Assembly to program subsequent meetings with the first at the technical and ministerial level to take place in the first fortnight of September, 2009, and the last at the level of Heads of State and Government, prior to the end of the 64th General Assembly. Measures should be taken to ensure the continuity of this process through its culmination.
54. We hold these extraordinary undertakings to be appropriate and necessary for the times. And we believe that the truest measure of our success shall be told in our ability to work together to build a better worl d that affords to all members of our global society equal opportunities to live in conditions of far greater economic opportunity, prosperity, security, and justice.

Statement of Venezuelan Gov't. on Ambassadors

Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela
Ministry of People's Power for Foreign Affairs
Statement

The government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and the government of the United States of America agreed to annul the measures taken in September, 2008 regarding their respective ambassadors in Caracas and Washington.

As a direct consequence of these simultaneous decisions, Ambassadors Bernardo Álvarez and Patrick Duddy will be able to return to their posts effective as of the present date.

The Ambassador of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to the United States Bernardo Álvarez will be returning to his post in Washington tomorrow, Friday, June 26, 2009.

Three questions for socialists

Three questions for socialists
by John Case
What is the objective of the economic reforms advocated by the Obama administration?
What measure of progress has there been, or can be expected, from the proposed reforms for the security and advancement of working peoples economic interests?
How do the goals of socialists and communists differ from Obama, and how are they the same?

To answer the first question, Larry Summers speaks for the administration:
"Let me be absolutely clear at the outset about two aspects of President Obama's approach about which he has been particularly consistent and firm since the crisis began while he was campaigning for president:
  • The first is an unequivocal recognition that we only act when necessary to avert unacceptable –and in some cases dire –outcomes. Barack Obama ran for president to restore America's role in the world, reform our health care system, achieve energy independence, and prepare our children for a 21st century economy.. He did not run for president to manage banks, insurance companies, or car manufacturers. The actions we take are those of necessity, not choice.
  • The second point on which the President has been unambiguous is that any intervention go with, rather than against, the grain of the market system. Our objective is not to supplant or replace markets. Rather, the objective is to save them from their own excesses and improve our market-based system going forward."
The most refreshing part of Summers' statement is the straightforward confession of conflict between goals, and necessity. The bias towards market solutions sits nakedly alongside the stark reality of serious market failures in critical sectors of the economic regime of the past 70 years: health care, financial services, auto, infrastructure, education, climate change preparation, and energy. The difficult challenges before the American people all mandate a sharp turn from the status quo. And that turn simply cannot avoid a substantial expansion of long-term public intervention commensurate with the scale of market failures. Even without the stubborn and unrelenting resistance of finance capital, the insurance and pharma industries, the bondholders of the auto industry, the oil and power industries, and other sundry so-called free market "fundamentalists" these challenges would be daunting. But working people and progressive forces, including important forces aligned with the Obama administration MUST mobilize sufficient, indeed overwhelming, pressure to defeat the resistance, pass the reforms, enforce them, and -- most important of all -- insure that they redress the massive losses in income and security that have been suffered in the past 30 years.
The right calls this creeping socialism. They are correct -- that's exactly what the minimum necessary social democratic reforms are, and there is no point in concealing it. However, contrary to the alarmist hysterics of the ultra right, incremental steps in a socialist direction do NOT mean the end of capitalism. Far from it -- universal not-for-profit health care, a green national energy and infrastructure policy, financial reform, very large investments in education and training will generate a new birth of capitalism in many areas of the economy. Innovation is vital to growth and human progress. Healthy, competitive markets play a critical role enabling science and technology to raise human productivity. In addition, with rising culture, human needs and wants --- reflected in the DEMAND side of the economy -- rise dramatically. Soon almost all industry will be "high-tech" industry, just as every science is now also part computer science. But insuring that the fruits of science and technology really meet human needs and advancement must be tested repeatedly in the furnace of actual economic demand. Markets are the only tools known for performing this task more or less spontaneously on a massive scale -- and it is critical that they thrive. Markets are human institutions that will persist as long as there are commodities and a division of labor in society. They are not products of natural law. They can and must be managed to serve human ends. Relieved of the crushing burdens of private health care, able to draw on a more skilled and educated labor force, provided with customers who have rising incomes and needs, given access to stable credit markets -- corporations and entrepreneurs will find a new boom in economic activity once the bankrupt vultures and dinosaurs of the last century are give a proper burial.
There are some -- thankfully a declining number -- on the Left who have long been infected with a caricature of socialism, and capitalism. They see capitalism as a fixed and unchanging system where efforts at reform are inherently futile -- forward progress will inevitably be crushed, impoverishment is ultimately absolute, and only a "revolutionary" transformation is capable of liberating working people from exploitation. Likewise socialism is pictured in no less idealized terms with virtually no connection to day to day struggles other than an opportunity to "expose" the "fraud" of reforms. For most of the past century working people in advanced capitalist countries have been ill-served by these tendencies, and in fact largely ignored them with the result that many are seriously marginalized. Despite the romanticized affections some in the marginalized left express for revolutionary movements against colonial and neo-colonial domination in the developing world, these movements, even when compelled to resort to arms in the absence of even minimal democratic rights, have actually been in the lead shunning dogma and devising radical innovations in mixed economic development. These efforts have produced unprecedented growth rates and been the primary cause of the reduction in world poverty rates in the past half-century.
The popular processes playing out now highlight the innovation with which masses of people in the US as well are relearning, renewing and updating the principles of socialist and social-democratic economics and politics. The aggressively anti-communist, anti-government, anti-regulation coalitions of Nixon, Ford, Reagan, Thatcher, Bush and Bush have brought the international economy into a deep crisis. Some see this crisis "bottoming out" soon, but few, if any, see a path to actual recovery that markets alone, or even in the main, can find.
While literally millions are giving "socialism" a new look, and are dumping free market fundamentalism in the garbage bin of history, this does not mean they are turning to failed models of socialism -- such as the Stalin and Mao periods. Thus many are instead quickly discarding many of the terms of the past centuries' debates on socialism and communism vs capitalism as futile -- both the hysterical anti-communism of the 1950's, 1960's, 1970's and 1980's, as well as dogmatic and unscientific tendencies within the Left.
The Second Question
When comparing the stated market-oriented goals of the Obama Administration AND its plain admission of the necessity of large scale public interventions no doctrine or received wisdom is needed to reveal the gigantic contradiction of interests between classes in US politics. And the comparison clearly identifies the main tasks facing the working class, and the Left of the United States:
1. Rapidly expand the power base of democratic upsurge needed to defeat right-wing, corporate efforts to block structural reform.
2. Consolidate the US progressive working class and social democratic forces behind the minimum program needed for recovering working class incomes, promoting peace, economic justice, security and stable growth.
One only has to inspect the compromises being discussed in negotiations between Obama and various Congressional forces on each major programmatic front to appreciate the absolutely vital importance of these tasks. The defeat of the mortgage reform bill sponsored by Senator Durbin -- the only relief to homeowners so far proposed in Congress -- demonstrated the power of the resistance. They would not even meet with Durbin, who concluded "They (financial sector lobbyists) own the place!"
The subversion of any serious consideration of the single-payer solution to the health care crisis by insurance and pharma forces, and their current contest --- "we can't afford it" --- against ANY public option, re-affirms this threat, in the face of overwhelming working class support.
The postponement of any cap and trade benefit to the environment for changing to renewable energy solutions for several years -- another demonstration.
The chorus of "socialism! socialism!" denunciations of Obama's assumption of ownership in GM and Chrysler, and the somewhat pathetic performance of the UAW leadership in the Auto crisis --both profoundly threaten the possibility of setting a new and healthy foundation for a domestic manufacturing resurgence.
The downgrading of the priority in passing the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA) shows that the big business and right-wing hatred and fear of worker self organization has already pressured the administration and Congress to consider disarming itself. Yet the ability of workers to organize and take control of their own fate is most powerful reform weapon in changing the direction of our nation toward rising incomes and wealth for working people.
The President's financial regulatory reform was greeted by lukewarm support on the Left, but the spokesmen of finance capital have made no secret of their determination to kill it -- accurately describing it as the biggest intrusion of federal regulation in financial capital markets in 70 years. It too faces an uncertain path in Congress.
The financial crisis, the GM and Chrysler bankruptcies, health care, and energy policy all reveal the clear and sharpest points of contest in the class politics of this era. They are the test of whether the next 5 years will send us forward to enlightenment and progress, or failing victory, put us at risk of social chaos, and its handmaiden -- strife that could make Iran's conflicts look pacific.
In sum, these threats answer the second question: the Obama program is an opportunity for great progress. There have been some small but not insignificant victories -- but the key tests of progress are still in doubt. Their fate rests in our hands.
Lastly, in his Cairo speech, to the whole world, Barack Obama took the first, genuine steps backward from imperialist ideology, and the first genuine embrace of the principles of conflict resolution and non-violence in 100 years of our national history. It is impossible to underestimate the impact of this act for the peace of the world. Yet he, and we, have many enemies on this path. He is President. We are soldiers -- or not -- and only we can make the laying down of arms a reality.
The third Question
Karl Marx answered this question in words that ring true through 160 years:
"In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole? The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties. They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole. They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement. "
"The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole."
In short there is NO distinction between the interests of socialists and communists of every persuasion, and the progressive, internationalist social democratic demands that also reflect the majority sentiments and interests of working people, in this era, in this time, in these next few years in the United States of America.
We must embrace the best of Barack Obama's vision as our own, and hold him in the light of necessity, and bar the forces of darkness from him with the multitudes.

Call today: Tell your Rep. to vote for clean energy

From RePower America:

Did you know that in just days the U.S. House of Representatives is going to vote on the most unprecedented clean energy and climate legislation in our nation's history? But, fossil fuel industries and their allies have launched a blatant distortion campaign on TV and behind closed doors to scare Congress from taking action.

Our leaders need to hear from us. I just called my Representative. Can you as well?

Just call 877-9-REPOWER (or 877-9-737-6937), and they'll connect you to your Representative after giving you talking points.

Let your Representative know that you want a cleaner and stronger economy today. Urge them to support the American Clean Energy and Security Act now.

White House writing new anti-discrimination rules

New Protections for Transgender Federal Workers
By JIM RUTENBERG
New York Times
Published: June 23, 2009

WASHINGTON — Lawyers for President Obama are quietly drafting first-of-their kind guidelines barring workplace discrimination against transgender federal employees, officials said Tuesday.

The guidelines will be in an updated federal handbook for managers and supervisors to be distributed and posted online in the next couple of months, and they could also be included in other materials for managers. They will list transgender people — those who identify their gender differently from the information on their birth certificates — as among several groups protected by antidiscrimination laws.

Though transgender men and women are not believed to make up more than a fraction of a percent of the federal work force, their inclusion in the discrimination guidelines is seen as a breakthrough by transgender and gay rights advocates.

Read more...

Labor backs LGBT non-discrimination bill

From the AFL-CIO:

Statement by AFL-CIO President Sweeney On the Introduction of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act
June 24, 2009

The AFL-CIO strongly supports the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA), which Representative Barney Frank introduced today in the 111th Congress. This common sense legislation would bar discrimination in the workplace on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity and expression.

In far too many states, it is still absolutely legal to fire someone because of their sexual orientation and gender identity or expression. While federal law protects working people from firing or penalization based on race, religion, national origin, gender and/or physical ability, no federal law exists to protect people from discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. This means that in 30 states, it is legal to fire someone for being lesbian, gay or bisexual. In 37 states, it is legal to fire someone because they are transgender.

Because transgender people are so frequently vulnerable to employment discrimination, the AFL-CIO applauds their full protection in the Employment Non-Discrimination Act of 2009. It is just plain wrong for anyone to discriminate against or fire a worker based on sexual orientation or gender identity, and this legislation gives Congress the chance to make all such shocking discrimination illegal across boundaries.

Discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity is inconsistent with the principles of equal opportunity and equal employment that our movement has fought for. With the passage of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender workers across this nation would have protection from workplace discrimination, protections that so many workers receive now only because of their union contracts.

The AFL-CIO is proud to stand behind this significant civil rights legislation that is urgently needed and long overdue. We look forward to working with others in the labor and civil rights communities to move this issue forward on Capitol Hill.

Iran's Assembly of Experts

The Assembly of Experts
TEHRAN BUREAU

The Iranian Constitution is a roadmap in which all roads lead to the Supreme Leader. He exercises control over all branches of the government and every division of the armed forces. He is appointed to the position for life, and his power is tied to age-old traditions of leadership in Shiite Islam. And yet, a single constitutional body can theoretically exercise ultimate power over the position of the Leader. That body is the Assembly of Experts, an 88-member council trusted with the responsibility to elect, and even dismiss, the Supreme Leader.

The first Leader, Ayatollah Khomeini, never needed the Assembly, having gained his position through his role in the 1979 Revolution. It was the Assembly of Experts, however, that elected Ayatollah Khamenei, the current Leader, nearly two decades ago. It was a controversial choice, as Khamenei was not yet an Ayatollah, and lacking a major qualification for the position. Since then, the Assembly has existed as a virtually inactive body, meeting twice a year and releasing statements expressing satisfaction with its one, extremely important decision. Today, however, the Assembly once again is the center of attention, as it is perhaps the last governmental body not controlled by the supporters of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the powerful faction that has led his ‘election coup’ in Iran.

To better understand the current role of the Assembly of Experts, some background information is required.

In 2005, former President Hashemi Rafsanjani lost a lack-luster election to Ahmadinejad, a little-known provincial governor who had recently become the mayor of Tehran. Rafsanjani and Mehdi Karrubi, another candidate in those elections, strongly implied that they had lost due to widespread electoral fraud. Karrubi, who a few hours into the counting of the votes seemed to be heading for a run-off with Rafsanjani, famously remarked that he had closed his eyes for a siesta and woken up to discover that Ahmadinejad was now leading him in the polls. Nonetheless, the election results were certified and the defeated candidates accepted the outcome.

Read more...

US and Venezuela move forward on relations

From an exchange between a reporter and Ian Kelly, State Department spokesperson at the State Department's daily news briefing, June 24th:

QUESTION: What about Venezuela? She asked --
MR. KELLY: Oh, Venezuela, yeah, sorry. I think I have something on Venezuela. Yes.
Since Secretary Clinton and President Chavez spoke during the Summit of the Americas, both our governments have worked toward the goal of returning ambassadors to our respective capitals. We are currently taking the necessary measures to accomplish this goal. And we think that exchanging ambassadors is in the best interests of both countries. But I don’t have any names for you right now or dates.
QUESTION: So the decision is taken? It means --
MR. KELLY: The decision has been taken to – there was a – what happened was there was a – Assistant Secretary Shannon spoke to Foreign Minister Maduro, and we agreed to move forward. This was on June 22nd, on Monday.

Tuesday, June 23, 2009

Howard Dean, President Obama, and Sen. Schumer step up to the plate

by Phil E. Benjamin

In front of a packed house at the Hunter College of Social Work in NYC, former Governor of Vermont and former head of the Democratic National Committee, Howard Dean made it clear: "Without a Public Health Insurance Option; Health Reform Legislation is not Supportable."

He said that the 2008 elections gave the Democrats the largest control of the House of Representatives since the 1940s and also a 60/40 split in the Senate. And, most important a President of the United States who has wide popularity. He said that there is not a separation between the Single Payer advocates and the need for a strong public health insurance option. Dean is bringing 300,000 petitions to the June 25th Washington, D.C. Demonstration taking place in the part in front of the U.S. Senate.

He said that the American people sent the strongest message possible and its time for the Democrats to do the right thing.

He pointed out what President Obama pointed out in his press conference today [see below], the Republications are for choice; well here is a choice.

On the delivery side of the health issue, keeping in mind that Dean is a physician; he is calling for far more Primary Care Physicians. He said that the AMA doesn't speak for these physicians since they are mostly specialists. Interestingly, Dean said that salaries of primary care physicians in the United Kingdom with Socialized Medicine get paid more than then the same doctors in the U.S.

Dean cited the recent NY Times polls where 72% polled called for a public, government run system option. This is a historic finding, Dean said.

In the question and answer period, Dean pointed out that the Massachusetts and Vermont plans are good as far as they go, but both need a public health insurance option to make them financially feasible.

Co-Ops and Triggers

Dr. Dean opposed both the Co-Op options being proposed by Senator Kent Conrad and those called for a trigger to kick in the public option.


In terms of delivery of health care, Dean pushing for more Community Health Centers.

A recurring theme of Dr. Dean in his formal presentation and in the answers to questions is that the problem this time is NOT the Republicans and the Insurance Carriers, is the Democrats who must vote by the people voted for them.

PRESS CONFERENCE
PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA
Tuesday, June 23, 2009

The last issue I'd like to address is health care.

Right now, Congress is debating various health care reform proposals. This is obviously a complicated issue, but I am very optimistic about the progress that they're making.

Like energy, this is legislation that must and will be paid for. It will not add to our deficits over the next decade. We will find the money through savings and efficiencies within the health care system -- some of which we've already announced.

We will also ensure that the reform we pass brings down the crushing cost of health care. We simply can't have a system where we throw good money after bad habits. We need to control the skyrocketing costs that are driving families, businesses, and our government into greater and greater debt.

There's no doubt that we must preserve what's best about our health care system, and that means allowing Americans who like their doctors and their health care plans to keep them. But unless we fix what's broken in our current system, everyone's health care will be in jeopardy. Unless we act, premiums will climb higher, benefits will erode further, and the rolls of the uninsured will swell to include millions more Americans. Unless we act, one out of every five dollars that we earn will be spent on health care within a decade. And the amount our government spends on Medicare and Medicaid will eventually grow larger than what our government spends on everything else today.

When it comes to health care, the status quo is unsustainable and unacceptable. So reform is not a luxury, it's a necessity. And I hope that Congress will continue to make significant progress on this issue in the weeks ahead.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, let's talk first of all about health care reform more broadly.

I think in this debate there's been some notion that if we just stand pat we're okay. And that's just not true. You know, there are polls out that show that 70 or 80 percent of Americans are satisfied with the health insurance that they currently have. The only problem is that premiums have been doubling every nine years, going up three times faster than wages. The U.S. government is not going to be able to afford Medicare and Medicaid on its current trajectory. Businesses are having to make very tough decisions about whether we drop coverage or we further restrict coverage.

So the notion that somehow we can just keep on doing what we're doing and that's okay, that's just not true. We have a longstanding critical problem in our health care system that is pulling down our economy, it's burdening families, it's burdening businesses, and it is the primary driver of our federal deficits. All right?

So if we start from the premise that the status quo is unacceptable, then that means we're going to have to bring about some serious changes. What I've said is, our top priority has to be to control costs. And that means not just tinkering around the edges. It doesn't mean just lopping off reimbursements for doctors in any given year because we're trying to fix our budget. It means that we look at the kinds of incentives that exist, what our delivery system is like, why it is that some communities are spending 30 percent less than other communities but getting better health care outcomes, and figuring out how can we make sure that everybody is benefiting from lower costs and better quality by improving practices. It means health IT. It means prevention.

So all these things are the starting point, I think, for reform. And I've said very clearly: If any bill arrives from Congress that is not controlling costs, that's not a bill I can support. It's going to have to control costs. It's going to have to be paid for. So there's been a lot of talk about, well, a trillion-dollar price tag. What I've said is, if we're going to spend that much money, then it's going to be largely funded through reallocating dollars that are already in the health care system but aren't being spent well. If we're spending $177 billion over 10 years to subsidize insurance companies under Medicare Advantage, when there's no showing that people are healthier using that program than the regular Medicare program, well, that's not a good deal for taxpayers. And we're going to take that money and we're going to use it to provide better care at a cheaper cost to the American people. So that's point number one.

Number two, while we are in the process of dealing with the cost issue, I think it's also wise policy and the right thing to do to start providing coverage for people who don't have health insurance or are underinsured, are paying a lot of money for high deductibles. I get letters -- two, three letters a day -- that I read of families who don't have health insurance, are going bankrupt, are on the brink of losing their insurance; have deductibles that are so high that even with insurance they end up with $50,000, $100,000 worth of debt; are at risk of losing their homes.

And that has to be part of reform, making sure that even if you've got health insurance now, you are not worried that when you lose your job or your employer decides to change policies that somehow you're going to be out of luck. I think about the woman who was in Wisconsin that I was with, who introduced me up in Green Bay -- 36 years old, double mastectomy; breast cancer has now moved to her bones and she's got two little kids, a husband with a job. They had health insurance, but they're still $50,000 in debt, and she's thinking, my main legacy, if I don't survive this thing, is going to be leaving $100,000 worth of debt. So those are the things that I'm prioritizing.

Now, the public plan I think is an important tool to discipline insurance companies. What we've said is, under our proposal, let's have a system the same way that federal employees do, same way that members of Congress do, where -- we call it an "exchange," or you can call it a "marketplace" -- where essentially you've got a whole bunch of different plans. If you like your plan and you like your doctor, you won't have to do a thing. You keep your plan. You keep your doctor. If your employer is providing you good health insurance, terrific, we're not going to mess with it.

But if you're a small business person, if the insurance that's being offered is something you can't afford, if you want to shop for a better price, then you can go to this exchange, this marketplace, and you can look: Okay, this is how much this plan costs, this is how much that plan costs, this is what the coverage is like, this is what fits for my family. As one of those options, for us to be able to say, here's a public option that's not profit-driven, that can keep down administrative costs and that provides you good, quality care for a reasonable price -- as one of the options for you to choose, I think that makes sense.

Q Won't that drive private insurers out of business?

THE PRESIDENT: Why would it drive private insurers out of business? If private insurers say that the marketplace provides the best quality health care, if they tell us that they're offering a good deal, then why is it that the government -- which they say can't run anything -- suddenly is going to drive them out of business? That's not logical.

Now, I think that there's going to be some healthy debates in Congress about the shape that this takes. I think there can be some legitimate concerns on the part of private insurers that if any public plan is simply being subsidized by taxpayers endlessly, that over time they can't compete with the government just printing money.

So there are going to be some I think legitimate debates to be had about how this private plan takes shape. But just conceptually, the notion that all these insurance companies who say they're giving consumers the best possible deal, that they can't compete against a public plan as one option, with consumers making the decision what's the best deal. That defies logic, which is why I think you've seen in the polling data overwhelming support for a public plan. All right?

Q I'm sorry, but what about keeping your promise to the American people that they won't have to change plans even if employers --

THE PRESIDENT: Well, no, no, I mean -- when I say if you have your plan and you like it and your doctor has a plan, or you have a doctor and you like your doctor that you don't have to change plans, what I'm saying is the government is not going to make you change plans under health reform.

Now, are there going to be employers right now -- assuming we don't do anything -- let's say that we take the advice of some folks who are out there and say, oh, this is not the time to do health care, we can't afford it, it's too complicated, let's take our time, et cetera. So let's assume that nothing happened. I can guarantee you that there's a possibility for a whole lot of Americans out there that they're not going to end up having the same health care they have, because what's going to happen is, as costs keep on going up, employers are going to start making decisions: We've got to raise premiums on our employees; in some cases, we can't provide health insurance at all.

And so there are going to be a whole set of changes out there. That's exactly why health reform is so important.


Senator Chuck Schumer's Floor Speech - Public Option in Health Care:

[Senator Schumer is charged by the House and Senate to Develop a Public Health Insurance Option plan.]

Mr. President, I rise today to discuss the necessity of including a public option in the health care legislation Congress is currently drafting.

One of our top priories as we undertake health care reform must be increasing competition among health insurance companies in order to get costs under control and give consumers better choices.

A recent NY Times/CBS poll clearly shows that a large majority of the American people, 72% in fact, want a government-sponsored health care option that would compete with private health insurance companies. 72%!

What is even more incredible is that 50% of Republicans want a public option.

Do you know why so many Americans want a public plan? Because, despite what many of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle would have you believe, they don’t feel that they have affordable choices.

And fundamentally, this is what lies at the heart of our public plan proposal. We want to ensure all Americans have a guaranteed affordable choice when it comes to health insurance. And right now, too many of them don’t.

In many areas of the country, one or two insurers have a stranglehold on the entire market, which produces costly premiums and health care decisions that often serve the interests of the insurer, not the patient.

In fact, according to a study According to the American Medical Association, 94 percent of insurance markets are highly concentrated. That’s right, 94 percent.

This is why a public health insurance plan is absolutely critical: to ensure the greatest amount of choice possible for consumers, and provide at least one option that is patientâ€"not profitâ€"focused.

The public plan option is not about government controlled health care, socialism, or any of the other buzz words that have been tossed around as part of this debate. The public plan option is about offering Americans a choice in a market that far too often offers them none.

I’ll tell you the choices too many Americans do face â€" whether to pay for health insurance and healthcare or to pay for the other necessities of life. That’s not a choice anyone should have to make.

And maybe that explains why the American people don’t agree with the critics of the public plan. 50% of Americans think the government plan will provide better healthcare coverage than private insurance companies.

Let us be clear, a public plan need not have special built-in advantages. It would be a coverage option that would compete on an equal footing alongside private insurance plans in the market for individual and small business coverage.

If a level playing field exists, then private insurers will have to compete based on quality of care and pricing, instead of just competing for the healthiest consumers.

In this way, a public plan will accomplish many of our most important goals.

It will not waste money on costs incidental to providing healthcare. It will not focus on profits at the expense of the best health outcomes. Instead, it will spend money on improving health delivery, and on trying innovative technologies and systems in order to SAVE money.

It will force many insurers that have been shielded and protected from competition for far too long to compete with a plan that provides comprehensive care at an affordable rate.

It will, most importantly, give Americans a choice.

In fact, I think the thing that really scares opponents of the public plan option is choice â€" that Americans might choose the public plan. Because then the curtain might be pulled back on their friends at the insurance companies.

Americans will finally see the hidden costs that have caused their premiums to skyrocket; the wasteful spending that does not improve health outcomes, but fattens bottom lines; and the protection from competition that has been offered to private insurers over the last decade.

To truly reform our health care system, Congress must pass legislation that includes a public option. And a watered-down public plan is no public plan at all.

Music Review: Lucinda Williams and Neil Young

by

Eric Green

Lucinda Williams, "Little Honey"
2008, Lost Highway
&
Neil Young, "Fork in the Road"
2009, Reprise

Lucinda and Neil ROCK

Lucinda Williams and Neil Young have not lost their edge; the edge has only gotten sharper.

For Lucinda it is the music industry that has her more than a little been angry; for Neil it is the state of world, including his ever-present opposition to war and corporate greed.

Lucinda's, "Little Rock Star" has the following chorus: "Hey Little Rock Star; what don't you see; This is not all that it's cracked up to be; And I can't say I blame you; For throwing the towel in or buying more fame by cashing your chips in; But with all of your talent, and so much to gain; To toss it away like that would be such a shame."

She is clearly worried and upset with songwriter singers who put their standards aside to make it in the business.

"Even if you fake it to get attention; whatever it'll take to get them to listen; piss on your designer boots and designer leathers."

Get the picture?

But, her, "It's a Long Way to the Top" where Williams gives the message for her most recent CD. As she says "It's a Long Way to the Top if you wanna Rock 'n Role'" at the conclusion of this song which makes it very clear just how difficult it is to work as a singer, possibility making it and then keeping your own edge.

Elvis Costello joins Williams on "Jailhouse Tears." Their collaboration is musically perfect and the lyrics are very good.

The title song of the Album, "Little Honey" brings us to "Honey Bee," "Tears of Joy," "Real Love," and "Plan to Marry" Lucinda's songs to her life with love. These are all very nice and constitute an album to themselves, but the songs that relate to the trials and tribulations of being a songwriter and singer, I think, make this album even more special.

On thing that does link Williams and Young is there use of the four letter word, "F—k" in their songs to show raw emotion of rage, disappointment and fire.

In "Fork in the Road," the title song of the CD, Young makes it clear that he is still quite angry and remains angry that the wars are still going on.

He of course laments his growing older and his "pot belly" getting in the way of his driving his rig. And, it appears that he has been doing some driving around the country to keep in touch with people. But, then he drops that slice of life reports and says, "About this year; We salute the troops; They're all still there; In a fucking war; It's not good; Whose idea was that?"

And, then he turns he attention to the Wall Street bailout though the eyes of everyday people:

"I've got hope; but, you can't eat hope; I'm not done; Not giving up; Not cashing in; too late."

Then he points his deadly finger:

"There's a bailout coming but it's not for me; it's for all those creeps watching tickers on TV; There's a bailout coming but it's not for me."

Then he makes it personal:

"I'm a big rock star; My sales have tanked: But I still got you; Thanks; Download this; Sounds like Shit."

He takes an interesting swipe at the bloggers:

"Keep on bloging'; 'Til the power goes out; "Your battery's dead; "Twist and shout."

The other original songs on this album show that Neil Young is not a happy camper.

And, along with Williams, who seems to be very much in love….they are both continuing commentators on the scene they live in.

This period of time for the peoples' movements is hanging in the balance. The creative worlds of Williams, Young and the other great singers and writers of our day like Bruce Springsteen are joining the struggle.

Film Review: Taking of the Pelham 123


by Eric Green

A TALE OF TWO FILMS: 1974 to 2009

To elevate a film to the "ICON" level requires a lot of ingredients: An unusual location; New York City; compelling actors and an unusual story. There is no disputing that "Taking of the Pelham 123" is on that level.

Originally produced in 1974 this film gives an insight into NYC that few films were and are able to offer. Maybe that is why it remains so popular.

There was an attempt to do a television movie on the original novel, but it fell flat.

Now, in 2009, 35 years later, the film is back on the front burner of Hollywood films. This time it is a mega-film Hollywood event.

John Godey

The start of any cult film begins with the writer of the book that the film is based on. In this case, John Godey is the novelist, but it turns out that that is not his real name. That was a pseudonym for his real name: Morton Freedgood. Freedgood used the Godey name to write non-serious novels. Born in 1913, Freedgood died in 2006 at the age of 93. Not much is known about him, which also helps the mystique.

Directors and Producers

The 1974 version was directed by Joseph Sargent who did mostly television work after 1974 and even before. Gabriel Katzka and Edgar J. Schenick produced the film. In 2009, Tony Scott both directed and produced the film. Three other producers are: Steve Tisch, Todd Black, and Jason Blumenthal.

Tony Scott has long history of producing high intensity, major actors Hollywood films. If you like hose kinds of film, he did not disappoint on those points.

Both films contribute to the New York mystique. No question that the 1974 film's dark intensity and rather limited scope had one kind of delivery. The 2009 film utilizes the special effects and gimmicks that normally kill films. Fortunately, Scott did not succumb to most of them.

Both directors had superior actors to work with. And, both did a great job in utilizing their talents.

Sargent's cast of Walter Mathau, Robert Shaw, Martin Balsam, Hector Elizondo, Jerry Stiller and a very large, excellent, supporting cast kept you at the edge of your seat. The face of NYC is deeply in these characters,


Scott had even more high visibility, super stars at this fingertips: John Travolta, Denzel Washington, Luis Guzman, James Gandolfini and John Turturro. Scott's supporting cast was of the same size as Sargent's and with the same New York genre'.

All of the actors in both films did a truly great job.

Fortunately, both directors kept the film to a short, crisp period of time. There was no lulls.

True to the Reality

Both films brought viewers into the world of transit in the tunnels of NYC. But, it must be said that Scott, probably the screenwriter, Brian Hedgeland, took liberties with the on-the-ground reality that the 1974 screenwriter, Peter Stone didn't.

It was probably not really necessary to have the No. 6 train go to Coney Island. That is not where the No. 6, IRT goes….it ends at the Brooklyn Bridge. It would have taken a lot of track switching to get the No. 6, IRT on the Coney Island direction.

Mathau and Travolta

But, in the same way the Walter Mathau dominated the 1974 version, John Travolta does the same in the Scott version. Mathau was amazing; and, Travolta does the same.

This remake was worth it, even with the flaws.

Before and After Capital

Thomas Riggins

Anyone who reads Marx’s great work CAPITAL today, and the number of new readers is growing, will find, before they hit the first chapter, six prefaces (four to German editions and one each to the French and English editions) and two afterwards (to the French and to the second German editions). Some readers just skip over these preliminary writings and jump into the text, which is fine. This is a good way to get right into the heart of what Marx has to say. But after the first chapter or so it’s a good idea to go back and read what you have skipped over. There are some very interesting remarks and comments from both Marx and Engels to be found there that, if kept in mind, will really help in understanding what Marxism is all about. My purpose here is to highlight some of these remarks that I think are particularly important and to comment on them. I invite readers to comment on this article if they think I have left out anything that should have been highlighted or have misinterpreted a passage. I am not going to go over all the prefaces and afterwards, just the ones I think are the most important.

Marx: Preface to the First German Edition, 1867:

Here we learn that the first volume of Capital is a continuation of Marx's 1859 work A CONTRIBUTION TO THE CRITICISM OF POLITICAL ECONOMY, and that, in fact, the first three chapters of Capital constitute a summary of that earlier work. Marx also tells us that "every beginning is difficult" in science and that, therefore, the first chapter of Capital will be the most difficult. The chapters after it will be easy and straight forward. Since many people bog down in Chapter One and abandon the reading of Capital it is encouraging to note you just have to stick it out with this chapter and the rest of Capital will be easy going.

In this preface we also learn that the laws of capitalist development appear to be universal. Marx has studied its development in England because that country was the most advanced capitalist country. We are told that what is at issue, however, is not how capitalism may develop in this or that country but the laws of capitalism themselves.

The Chinese or Russians, for example, may think they are, or could be immune to the worst features and abuses of American capitalism, and maybe they could be today-- but the Marx of 1867 would not have agreed. He wrote, "it is not a question of the higher or lower degree of development of the social antagonisms that result from the NATURAL LAWS of capitalist production. It is a question of these laws themselves, of these TENDENCIES working with IRON NECESSITY towards INEVITABLE RESULTS. [Throughout I have used CAPITALS to emphasize words I think important].

There may be some confusion between "iron laws" and "tendencies" so let me just say that in Marx's model of capitalism the "iron laws" are really what we would call the logical consequences that result from the premises Marx derives for his model based on an empirical investigation of English capitalism. The real world is vastly more complicated than the model which serves as a guide to its understanding. The" laws" of the model become "tendencies" when they are applied to the understanding of actually existing capitalist systems.

Once we understand the English model, Marx would have us believe that "The country that is more developed industrially only shows, to the less developed, the image of its own future." How to make sense of this? Will third world countries all develop along the path that led to US and European capitalism? Well, Japan did. But Russia industrialized under socialist motivated five year plans and the Chinese and Vietnamese are controlling capitalist development by state supervision, and by a state that is not in the control of the bourgeoisie. So things have become more complicated since 1867.

Why were the Russian and Chinese Revolutions, just to mention two, accompanied with excessive violence (or so it seems to many)? Marx said that the American War of Independence (he does not here call it the American Revolution) was the "tocsin" for the bourgeois revolutions in Europe that followed it. He thought (too optimistically) that the American Civil War was the "tocsin' that would proclaim the coming proletarian revolutions in Europe. He thought "social disintegration" was very far advanced in England and would spread to the rest of Europe.

The rising of the working class, Marx said would be either HUMANE or BRUTAL "according to the degree of development of the working class itself." If Stalin or Mao appear to have been far too brutal we must remind ourselves that the development of the working class in their countries was at a very low level and that Marx had hoped that an advanced humane working class consciousness would have been possible to develop. It didn't work out that way in those countries.

Marx thought it would be to the "advantage" of the capitalist class to help the working class develop itself! Here is what he says: "Apart from higher motives, therefore, their own most important interests dictate to the classes that are for the nonce the ruling ones, the removal of all legally removable hindrances to the free development of the working class." So it is the capitalists who should be supporting EFCA along with the unions! Why is this so? Because a repressed and resentful working class with be a violent and brutal class when it seizes power from the capitalists and you will get Gulags! The capitalists are playing with dynamite when they try to repress the working people.

As for skipping stages of economic development and great leaps forward, Marx had something to say about this as well. It is Marx's aim to discover and explain "the law of motion" of capitalist society. Even when that is done and we understand where capitalism is leading and that socialism will eventually be the outcome we can "neither clear by bold leaps, nor remove by legal enactments, the obstacles offered by the successive phases of [capitalism's] normal development." The best we can do is "shorten and lessen the birth-pangs." Not knowing the difference between these two approaches is responsible for all the failures of socialist states, just as correct application of these distinctions is responsible for their successes.

Marx also wants to stress the scientific qualities of his work. Too often his followers dwell on the moral short comings of the ruling class. Such and such an one is evil, or driven by greed, and they are attacked personally and held responsible for lay offs, factory closings or economic down turns ('greedy bankers", etc.). But Marx says, that his "standpoint, from which the evolution of the economic formation of society is viewed as a process of natural history, can less than any other make the INDIVIDUAL RESPONSIBLE for relations whose creature he socially remains, however much he may subjectively raise himself above them."

Marx foresees his views will be violently attacked irrespective of their scientific correctness since they will go against "the Furies of private interest" which are "the most violent, mean and malignant passions of the human breast."

As I said before, Marx was too optimistic with regard to the coming end of capitalism which he thought was right around the corner. It was even evident to him that the U.S. was going to be involved in radical change. He says "Mr. Wade, vice-president of the United States, declared in public meetings that, after the abolition of slavery, a radical change of the relations of capital and of property in land is next upon the order of the day." That would have been the success, perhaps, of radical reconstruction. President Andrew Johnson didn't really forcefully back reconstruction and it ultimately failed. Mr. Wade was not the vice-president, there was no vice-president in 1867 when Marx wrote his preface. Benjamin Franklin Wade was president pro tempore of the Senate and next in line to be president if Johnson had been removed from office as a result of his impeachment. Had he become president reconstruction might have taken a different turn. Well, so much for the preface to the first German edition. Lets jump ahead six years and discuss

Marx: Afterward to the Second German Edition, 1873:

In this afterward Marx explains why economics (political economy) can no longer be studied scientifically outside of the socialist movement, or only so studied under certain limitations.

The reason is that capitalism, as all other social formations, is the result of historical developments and has evolved certain characteristics that are historically conditioned and transient. The "laws" of physics may be eternal (e.g., the speed of light) but the "laws" of capitalist production are not. Thus if "the capitalist regime is looked upon as the absolutely final form of social production, instead of as a passing historic phase of its evolution, political economy can remain a science only so long as the class struggle is latent or manifests itself only in isolated and sporadic phenomena."

The class struggle is in full swing today and we cannot expect bourgeois social "scientists" to be anything other than apologists for the capitalist system. The editorial writers for the Wall Street Journal, for example, cannot dispassionately write about health reform, bank regulation, workers rights, etc., in any scientific way involving a non partisan "search for truth."

In England, Marx says, the last person to treat economic problems in an objective manner was David Ricardo (1772-1823) who wrote when "the class struggle was as yet undeveloped." He is still innocent of the historical nature of the antagonistic contradictions between the classes over wages and profits, profits and rent and sees them as an eternal "social law of nature." Capitalism and its contradictions would always be there just as the sun in the sky--- TINA as Ms. Thatcher would say ("There is no alternative.") How far will our bourgeois economists today go out of their way to deny these contradictions and sing the praises of an harmonious society. Regardless of the evidence we are told how business and labor have to work together to make the "system" better as it is the only "system" that really works.

Adam Smith and Ricardo lived in the infancy of the modern industrial world. The struggle between capital and labor then took a back seat to the struggle of the bourgeoisie and the feudal land owners. The first big cyclical crisis of capitalism was the crisis of 1825-- the direct ancestor of the present economic melt down, and the working class makes its debut as a force that actually could threaten bourgeoisdom in 1830 (cf. Victor Hugo's Les Miserables, the book not the Broadway musical!) The workers, however, won't realize their potential until 1848.

After 1830, in Western Europe at any rate, the bourgeoisie was firmly in the saddle and the class struggle was underway in ernest. Marx said this "sounded the knell of scientific bourgeois economy." Now truth took a back seat to those Furies of private interest mentioned above. Truth became a question of what "was useful to capital or harmful, expedient or inexpedient, politically dangerous or not."

This been the case ever since-- from Ivy League economic departments to Fox news by and large even , or more especially, today we have in "place of disinterested inquirers" only "hired prize-fighters; in place of genuine scientific research, the bad conscience and evil intent of apologetic." And, we must admit, our Soviet and Chinese comrades were not above apologetics since once in power they were no longer "disinterested inquirers." It will be a big challenge for Marxist leaders, in and out of power, to establish truly disinterested centers of inquiry because only by a true understanding of reality can they hope to be successful and not repeat the tragic errors of the 1930s and 80s.

After 1848 there were a few bourgeois thinkers that recognized the legitimate claims of the workers and tried to "harmonize" them with the interests of capital. One of the best advocates of this harmonious society approach, Marx says, was John Stuart Mill: yet he only produced "a shallow syncretism." Marx then recommends a book about Mill ("Outlines of Political Economy according to Mill") by N. Tschernyschewsky ("the great Russian scholar and critic".) Don't bother trying to look this critic up under this name-- it is a terrible Cyrillic transliteration of the name of the Russian radical materialist proto-Marxist N.G. Chernyshevsky (1828-1889) the title of whose novel "What Is To Be Done" was used by Lenin for his work of the same name.

Now, a few remarks by Marx on his method and his relation to Hegel. Some writers, who should know better, have criticized Marx for the use of Hegelian "jargon" and the Hegelian dialectic in writing Capital. But Marx is quite clear, in the Afterward, this his dialectical method is the "direct opposite" of that of Hegel. Hegel thinks in the language of German Idealism and tries to construct his dialectic around the concept of the "Idea" as the basis of reality. Marx says that he himself studies external reality to see how we come to get the concepts and ideas (including that of the "Idea) in the first place. Completely unlike Hegel, Marx sees "the ideal" as nothing more than "the material world reflected by the human mind...."

With respect to Hegelian "jargon," Marx says he "coquetted" with Hegelian expressions a little in the chapter on value in order to avow himself as "the pupil of that mighty thinker" in response to the "peevish, arrogant, mediocre" critics of the philosopher who had raised their heads in Germany. Despite Hegel's mystifications, he was still the first to work out the form of a dialectical logic "in a comprehensive and conscious manner." With Hegel, Marx says, the dialectical method "is standing on its head. It must be turned right side up again, if you would discover the rational kernel within the mystical shell." I should also remark that while Marx says his method is the DIRECT OPPOSITE of Hegel's, he and Hegel both believed in the dialectical principle of THE UNITY OF OPPOSITES. This is why Hegel is still read today but from a materialist perspective, and idealists can learn much from Marx.

Finally, it should be noted that even now, in the beginning of the twenty-first century, Marx and his dialectical method are too hot to handle in most economic departments and business schools in the capitalist world. The dialectic is, Marx says, "a scandal and abomination to bourgeoisdom and its doctrinaire professors" because it does not recognize the reality of TINA (there is no alternative to capitalism). The dialectic "includes in its comprehension and affirmative recognition of the existing state of things, at the same time also, the recognition of the negation of that state, of its inevitable breaking up; because it regards every historically developed social form as in fluid movement, and therefore takes into account its transient nature not less than its momentary existence; because it lets nothing impose upon it, and is in its essence critical and revolutionary." And, so now we move on to:

Engels: Preface to the English Edition, 1886:

One of the things Engels wants to do in this preface is to comment on Marx's use of certain traditional terms in political economy such as "rent," "profit." "commodity," "surplus," etc., which Marx has been accused of using in an idiosyncratic way. Engels agrees that Marx uses some of these terms slightly differently that they were used by his predesessors, but that he is clear about when he does so and the reasons for doing so. "It is," Engels says, "however, self-evident that a theory which views modern capitalist production as a mere passing stage in the economic history of mankind, must make use of terms different from those habitual to writers who look upon that form of production as imperishable and final."

I think Engels thought the revolution to replace capitalism was right around the corner. He says the boom and bust cycles of capitalism between 1825 to 1867 "seems" to be over and we are in "the slough of despond of a permanent chronic depression" and that a future "period of prosperity will not come." Well, he missed out on recognizing the tenacity of the capitalist system. We are now in another "slough of despond" but if it is permanent or not I will not venture to guess. We still have not really answered the great question that Engels says faces the capitalists in every depression: "what to do with the unemployed."

He thinks the unemployed might take matters into their own hands for he says "we can almost calculate when the unemployed losing patience will take their own fate into their own hands." I am afraid we can't calculate that either. But one thing is sure. Engels says Das Kapital is often referred to as "the Bible of the working class." If the workers of the world want to come out of the current crisis on top of the situation they had better start reading their Bible.

Engels in fact makes that very same recommendation in this 1886 preface. The workers might very well be able to come to power in a legal and peaceful way in advanced capitalist countries. In the 1880s England was the most developed country by far and Marx thought that in England the social revolution "might be effected entirely by peaceful and legal means." That is what advanced democratic working people should aim for wherever democracy is advanced enough to allow for it. Marx did add that even if the workers achieved victory democratically he expected the ruling class not to submit and to wage a "pro-slavery rebellion" (a reference to the US Civil War).

The challenge facing us now is see how we can deal with the present world economic crisis on the basis of a modern understanding of Marx's great book.

Israeli hardliners prefer Iranian hardliners

Why Iran's Ahmadinejad is preferred in Israel
By Joshua Mitnick
Correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor

Tel Aviv - If they were to follow the ancient proverb, "the enemy of my enemy is my friend," one would think Israelis would be rooting for Iranian opposition candidate Mir Hussein Mousavi and the hundreds of thousands of Iranian protesters who have challenged the re-election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

But even though Mr. Ahmadinejad has threatened the Jewish state with destruction, many officials and analysts here actually prefer the incumbent president because – short of the downfall of Iran's theocratic system of government – he'll be easier to isolate. Reformist leader Mr. Mousavi, by contrast, isn't expected to alter Iran's drive for nuclear power, but he would win international sympathy.

"Just because Mousavi is called a moderate or a reformist doesn't mean he's a nice guy. After all he was approved by the Islamic leadership," says Ephraim Inbar, director of the Begin Sadat Center at Bar Ilan University. "If we have Ahmadinejad, we know where we stand. If we have Mousavi we have a serpent with a nice image."

Read more...

Latest stuff at Political Affairs

Hey everybody,

Support Political Affairs

Check out some of the latest audio content at PoliticalAffairs.net:
Fixing the broken health system
Building bridges with Cuba
McCarthyism in American history
Can Capitalism Last?
PA podcast archive

Support Political Affairs

Take Action:
Fight unemployment with green jobs
The fight for national health care, a discussion/action guide
Resources on the Employee Free Choice Act
June 2009 issue of Political Affairs

Support Political Affairs

Fight Unemployment with Green Jobs

From the ApolloAlliance:

We're seeing the highest jobless rate in 25 years, but with the right investments, we could create hundreds of thousands of jobs for Americans and their families.

We must move toward clean energy technologies – and we must give manufacturers the support they need to create these technologies here in America, with American workers.

Tell your senators: Invest in America's future – support the new "Investments for Manufacturing Progress and Clean Technology Act."

Click here to take action

Also, check out PA podcast #84 - What are Green Jobs?


Monday, June 22, 2009

Fixing the Broken Health System

Subscribe to this podcast in iTunes

Political Affairs Podcast #103 - Fixing the Broken Health System

On this episode, we look closely at the healthcare reform debate and talk with various activists and leaders in the movement to fix the broken healthcare system and create a public option for Americans who can't afford or who have been left behind by the private insurance industry.

Brains... must eat brains...

Sunday, June 21, 2009

Music Review: David Rudder

Music Review: Calypso / Soca Music; David Rudder

CELEBRATE BROOKLYN

by Eric Green

Friday, June 19th was Trinidad-Tobago nite at the Celebrate Brooklyn Band Shell.

First Samantha Thornhill performed with her spoken word work. She is an amazingly gifted writer/performer who creates real life images of everyday life of working people. She is a "Slam" artist who coached the University of Virginia's slam team to two consecutive victories. She is the writer-in-residence at the Bronx Academy of Letters where she teaches. According to her bio she writes children's books and will soon be releasing a children's book, which follows the life of her song, "Little Odetto," named after the famous folk singer.

Then came David Rudder. Rudder is a hero to Trinidadian people. The Prospect Park audience was filled with natives from that Caribbean country.

Rudder has been writing and releasing music since the mid-1980s. He follows in the steps of the Mighty Sparrow.

At their performance, maybe because he knew there would be people from not just Trinidad/Tobago, but also from his hometown of Belmont, he could really play to the crowd. He was wildly popular.

His song "Belmont" went right to his high school experiences, which were clearly shared by people in the audience. All of the seats were taken.

His song, "Oil and Music," dramatically describes Trinidad is an oil country that has an equally rich history of music. But, he clearly wanted people to know that his home country has an industrial base.

He song, "Haiti We are Sorry" for the very difficult history that that country has endured. His 1988 breakout album was called, "Haiti."

Rudder has been called "the Bob Marley of Soca," and when he slowed the music down to sing his newest song, "Jerusalem" the audience listened when he talked about the need for peace in that region. He plaintively cried that Christian, Muslim and Jewish people must live in peace. Some of the lyrics like: "The West Bank to Gaza" "the Golan Heights to Ramallah" sends a clear single where he stood. His reference e to the people who used to be the David against Goliath and now they are the reverse also made the point. Simple, but very deep.

Rudder's "Rally 'Round the West Indies," became the anthem of West Indies cricket.

Soca music, a form of calypso music, started in Trinidad-Tobago and moved to other Caribbean countries.